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R Sivarasa - Ahli Parlimen Subang

Posted: 01 Oct 2014 11:01 PM PDT

R Sivarasa - Ahli Parlimen Subang


Kenyataan Media Isu Pengubahan RTPJ

Posted: 01 Oct 2014 06:03 AM PDT

KENYATAAN AKHBAR

Ahli majlis MBPJ adalah betul untuk menangguhkan dan mengkaji semula cadangan pindaan kepada RTPJ1 dan RTPJ2

Kami sebagai Ahli-Ahli Parlimen dan Ahli-Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri di kawasan-kawasan yang berada di dalam bandaraya Petaling Jaya menyokong keputusan ahli majlis MBPJ yang diambil oleh undi majoriti di mesyuarat khas mereka semalam untuk menangguhkan cadangan pindaan kepada rancangan-rancangan tempatan RTPJ1 dan RTPJ 2 sementara menunggu kajian semula sepenuhnya oleh MBPJ.  Kajian semula ini akan dilakukan melalui perundingan dengan kerajaan negeri dan mengambil kira maklum balas yang diberikan setakat ini dalam publisiti yang diterima setakat ini di bawah seksyen 13 Akta Perancangan Bandar dan Desa 1976.

Beberapa pindaan yang dicadangkan telah menjadi sangat kontroversi untuk mengatakannya yang paling kurang.

Kami terkejut melihat cadangan untuk mengeluarkan semua garis panduan terperinci yang sedia ada untuk kawalan merancang dari kedua-dua RTPJ1 dan 2. Ini adalah amat susah dipersetujui.

Syarat-syarat kawalan perancangan terperinci tersebut telah diusahakan selama bertahun-tahun dengan input terperinci daripada orang ramai dan memberikan kestabilan kepada perancangan bandar di Petaling Jaya.

Jika MBPJ berpendapat bahawa beberapa garis panduan kawalan perancangan perlu pembaikan, maka peningkatan khusus boleh dikemukakan untuk input awam, bukan penyingkiran keseluruhan seperti yang disyorkan pada masa ini.

Cadangan-cadangan untuk meningkatkan nisbah plot maksimum daripada 4 kepada 6 dalam tujuh kawasan "pembangunan berorientasikan transit" atau TOD di sekitar stesen-stesen MRT dan LRT memerluan pemikiran semula memandangkan kesan kepada keadaan trafik semasa, kemudahan awam dan kualiti hidup di PJ. Syarat-syarat sedia ada di dalam cadangan kelihatan tidak mencukupi untuk memastikan bahawa pembangunan kepadatan tinggi seperti itu akan disepadukan sepenuhnya ke dalam stesen-stesen pengangkutan awam dan tidak mewujudkan beban lanjut dan kemerosotan persekitaran kehidupan di PJ.

Cadangan untuk menjalankan lebuh raya DASH melalui kawasan-kawasan perumahan yang padat dengan penduduk dan kawasan-kawasan komersial di Mutiara Damansara dan Damansara Perdana telah menimbulkan lebih seribu bantahan bertulis. Jajaran lebuh raya yang dicadangkan ini melalui kawasan-kawasan tersebut memerlukan kajian.

Kita perhatikan bahawa keseluruhan tanah RRI di PJ yang terdiri daripada kira-kira 1600 ekar kini yang dicadangkan sebagai "pembangunan bercampur" tanpa sebarang susun atur yang terperinci. Ini tidak boleh diterima dalam mengformulasikan suatu rancangan tempatan di mana orang ramai mengharapkan untuk melihat cadangan terperinci pihak berkuasa perancangan tempatan mengenai penggunaan tanah, nisbah plot, kepadatan, kemudahan awam dan lain-lain untuk memberi pandangan mereka. Kami berpendapat bahawa keseluruhan cadangan RRI perlu dikeluarkan dan satu rancangan kawasan khas disediakan untuk tanah RRI di bawah seksyen 16B Akta tersebut yang telah dilakukan sebelum ini untuk bahagian seksyen 13 di PJ. Rancangan untuk RRI perlu proses yang berasingan dengan sendirinya memandangkan saiz tanah untuk dibangunkan adalah besar dengan kesan yang setanding.

Kita juga perhatikan bahawa terdapat cadangan untuk menukar syarat guna tanah di tapak Filem Negara di seksyen 12 (yang merupakan tanah kerajaan Persekutuan) daripada penggunaan institusi awam untuk komersial dengan kemungkinan nisbah plot enam (6). Jikapun kerajaan Persekutuan memutuskan untuk memindahkan Filem Negara ke tempat yang lain, tanah tersebut harus dikembalikan kepada kerajaan negeri atau pihak berkuasa tempatan untuk kegunaan awam yang berterusan. Kemudahan awam yang berguna boleh dibina di atas tanah tersebut daripada membangunkannya sebagai satu lagi tapak komersil kepadatan tinggi.

Oleh itu, kami bersetuju bahawa pindaan yang dicadangkan dibatalkan. Seperti yang dicadangkan oleh ahli-ahli majlis MBPJ, satu jawatankuasa khas perlu ditubuhkan untuk mengkaji semua cadangan dengan mengambil kira semua maklum balas dan mengemukakannya sekali lagi dengan mengambil kira kepentingan awam sebagai pertimbangan utama.

Hee Loy Sian  Ahli  Parlimen  Petaling Jaya Selatan
Tony Pua Ahli  Parlimen Petaling Jaya Utara
Sivarasa Rasiah Ahli  Parlimen  Subang
Wong Chen Ahli  Parlimen Kelana Jaya
Rajiv Rishyakaran Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri Bukit Gasing
Haniza Talha Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri Taman Medan
Lau Weng San Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri  Kampung Tunku
Yeo Bee Yin Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri  Damansara Utama
Elizabeth Wong Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri  Bukit Lanjan
Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri  Seri Setia

1 Oktober 2014

Untuk sebarang penjelasan, sila hubungi Peter Chong  (pembantu peribadi kepada Sivarasa Rasiah) di 012 905 9948.

Press Statement re RTPJ ammendments

Posted: 01 Oct 2014 02:08 AM PDT

PRESS STATEMENT

MBPJ councilors are correct to put on hold and review the proposed amendments to RTPJ1 and RTPJ2

We the undersigned Members of Parliament and State Assemblypersons whose constituencies include areas within the city of Petaling Jaya support and endorse the decision of councilors of MBPJ  taken by majority vote at their special meeting yesterday to put on hold  the proposed amendments to the local plans RTPJ1 and RTPJ 2 pending a full review by MBPJ. The review will be done in consultation with the state government and taking into account the feedback given so far in the publicity conducted so far under section 13 of the Town and Country Planning Act 1976.

Some of the proposed amendments have turned out to be very controversial to say the least.

We were surprised to see proposals to remove wholesale all the existing detailed guidelines for planning control from both RTPJ1 and 2.  This is wholly unacceptable. These detailed planning control conditions have been worked out over the years with detailed input from the public and are provide stability to town planning in Petaling Jaya.  If MBPJ is of the view that some of these planning control guidelines need improvement, then specific improvements can be presented for public input, not a wholesale removal as currently suggested.

The proposals to increase maximum plot ratios from 4 to 6 in seven “transit oriented development” areas around MRT and LRT stations needs rethinking given the impact on current traffic conditions, public amenities and quality of life in PJ. The current conditions in the proposals appear inadequate to ensure that such high-density developments will be fully integrated into the mass transit stations and not create further burdens and deterioration to the living environment in PJ.

The proposal to run the DASH highway through densely populated housing and commercial areas in Mutiara Damansara and Damansara Perdana  has evoked over a thousand written objections. The alignment of this proposed highway through those areas needs review.
We note that the entire RRI land in PJ consisting of about 1600 acres is now being proposed as “mixed development” with no detailed lay-outs whatsoever. This is simply not acceptable in the formulation of a local plan where the public expect to see the local planning authority’s detailed proposals on land use, plot ratios, densities, public amenities etc in order to give their views.  We are of the view that the entire RRI proposal should be removed and a special area plan prepared for the RRI land under section 16B of the Act as was done previously for the section 13 part of PJ.  The plan for RRI should be a separate process in itself considering the huge size of land to be developed with its corresponding impacts.

We note also that there is a proposal to convert the land use of the current Filem Negara site in section 12 ( which is Federal government land ) from public institutional use to commercial at a possible plot ratio of 6. Even if the Federal government decides to move Filem Negara to another site, that plot should be returned to the state government or the local authority for continued public use. Useful public amenities can be built on that land rather than develop it as another high density commercial site.

We therefore agree that the proposed amendments be revoked.  As proposed by the MBPJ councilors, a special committee should be set up to review all the proposals taking into account all the public feedback and present them again taking into account the public interest as the prime consideration.

Hee Loy Sian  Member of Parliament for Petaling Jaya Selatan
Tony PuaMember of Parliament for Petaling Jaya Utara
Sivarasa RasiahMember of Parliament for Subang
Wong ChenMember of Parliament for  Kelana Jaya
Rajiv RishyakaranState Assemblyman for DUN Bukit Gasing
Haniza TalhaState Assemblywoman for DUN Taman Medan
Lau Weng SanState Assemblyman for  DUN Kampung Tunku
Yeo Bee YinState Assembly woman for DUN Damansara Utama
Elizabeth WongState Assemblywoman for  DUN Bukit Lanjan
Nik Nazmi Nik AhmadState Assemblyman for  DUN Seri Setia

1st October 2014

For any further clarifications, please contact Peter Chong  ( pa to Sivarasa Rasiah ) at 012 905 9948.

N37 Batu Maung

Posted: 01 Oct 2014 07:44 PM PDT

N37 Batu Maung


Selamat Hari Raya Aidil Adha

Posted: 01 Oct 2014 12:39 AM PDT



Selamat Hari Raya Aidil Adha kepada semua umat islam khusunya kepada Warga Batu Maung (N37)

Anwar Ibrahim

Posted: 30 Sep 2014 07:24 PM PDT

Anwar Ibrahim


Captured by the Islamic State, these two teenagers went through hell. Then they ran

Posted: 30 Sep 2014 07:12 PM PDT

Global Post

Sara and Leila both survived the mass capture of Yazidi women and children in Iraq last month. These are their stories.

15-year-old Sara had considered suicide many times during her month-long ordeal. The old man she had been given to as a "gift" beat her frequently. He taunted her with videos of Islamic State militants beheading her neighbors. On two occasions she said he drew blood from her arm with a large syringe, making her feel weak and sickly.

"They didn't feed us much. I used to pass out a lot, but I would make trouble for him as much as possible and fight when I could," Sara said, sitting under a tent in a makeshift camp for the displaced outside Duhok. "Many times I thought of suicide but I kept thinking of my family and my brother. I lived only for them."

Sara is Yazidi, a member of a minority religious group from northern Iraq persecuted for centuries for its ancient beliefs. She still bears horrific scars across the left side of her body from a double truck bombing that struck her neighborhood in 2007 — when she was just 8 years old — killing almost 800 people and injuring more than 1,500.

To the Islamic State (IS) the Yazidis are infidels. When the terror group seized control of dozens of Yazidi villages in the region of Sinjar last month, they executed men and kidnapped thousands of women and children. Those assaults on Yazidis and other minority groups — and in particular, the IS threat against tens of thousands of Yazidis trapped in the Sinjar Mountains — were a major reason US President Barack Obama cited for authorizing airstrikes against IS, also known as ISIS or ISIL, in Iraq. The US has since expanded those strikes to Syria.

The Yazidi Fraternal Organization, formally based in Sinjar but now working from the Kurdish capital Erbil, has registered the names of more than 12,000 missing Yazidis — 5,000 women and 7,000 men — believed to have been killed or captured during a three-day period beginning Aug. 3.

At least 47 of the women have since escaped.

They tell tales of rape, forced marriage and enslavement. Many, like Sara, say they were given to IS fighters as wives or sold as slaves for prices ranging from $100 to $1,000. Late last month, the UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights reported 300 cases of Yazidi women transported to Syria by IS, some of whom were then sold in Aleppo in a human trade market.

The escaped women’s stories offer details about the Islamic State's systematic violence against minority communities in Iraq, and insight into the group’s methods for imposing an extreme ideology and recruiting fighters to its cause.

A Yazidi mother and child sit in the farm storehouse in Sulimaniyah that has become their home since IS overran their village in Sinjar. (Tracey Shelton/GlobalPost)

The day IS took Sinjar

Sara's ordeal began on Aug. 3 in the Sinjar village of Tal Azir, when IS launched its attack. Without a vehicle, she and her mother, her brother and his pregnant wife simply ran toward the nearby mountains. After two hours on foot, they reached a farmhouse where many of their neighbors and relatives had taken shelter on the edge of the mountain range.

Soon, IS had them surrounded.

"There were about 20 cars. They all had heavy weapons," said Sara. "They separated the men from the women. Some of the men tried to run. They shot them. They locked my mother in a room with some of the older women."

Sara said the younger Yazidi women were then loaded onto the backs of seven pickup trucks, some of the vehicles taken from villagers and others belonging to IS. She stuck close to her pregnant sister-in-law.

"I don't know how many of us there were but they were pushing us into the trucks, as many as they could hold in each one," she said. "The children they didn't care about. Some women took their children. Others got left behind."

As the trucks full of young women and children sped away, Sara could hear gunfire.

"We thought maybe our men were fighting them to save us," she said.

Back at the farmhouse Sara's mother Narin was also listening to the sound of gunfire, locked in a room with several other women. As bullets sprayed in a neighboring room, she blocked her ears and crouched down. Then everything went quiet.

"There were six of us ladies left," Narin said. After waiting for a short time and hearing nothing, the women tried the door. It opened.

There were dozens of dead men, Narin said.

"When we left the room we saw the bodies. All of them. They killed my son!"

The fighters had abandoned the farmhouse. The other women urged Narin to run with them to the mountains before IS returned.

"I could barely even hear them. I was so overcome with grief," she said. "I just sat by my son's body, rocking and crying and hitting myself."

Unable to pull Narin away, the other women left.

Eventually she made her way to the mountains alone. She was reunited there with her husband, who had been away from their village on business when IS attacked.

Yazidi women wash clothing at a temple in Lalish, Iraq after being displaced by Islamic State forces that overran their village in Sinjar. Around 2,000 people took shelter at the temple. (Tracey Shelton/GlobalPost)

As her mother related the story from inside a hot, dusty tent in the desert IDP camp, Sara broke down in tears. Thoughts of a reunion with her only sibling had kept her strong throughout her ordeal. He was a 19-year-old newlywed; he and his elated wife were anticipating the arrival of their first child. Sara had only recently learned of his death.

Khalif Kouli, a Yazidi militia fighter based in the Sinjar Mountains, said in an interview in Duhok that his group had made it to the farmhouse three days after the massacre and found the bodies of seven executed men. Narin insisted she had seen dozens of dead right after the killings on Aug. 3.

Parwen Aziz of the Kurdistan National Congress has heard dozens of similar stories of capture and mass execution from members of the Yazidi community, which has sought refuge in the Kurdish-controlled region of Iraq. Aid workers assisting the Yazidis have heard them, too. Aziz has been lobbying the Kurdish government and aid groups to provide more support for escaped IS prisoners like Sara, who started turning up here about six weeks ago.

Aziz said there were early fears that Yazidi women who returned from captivity may be rejected or even killed by their own families, due to local concepts of honor. However, she hasn't heard of any women with surviving family members who weren't welcomed back.

Her concern has now turned to the risk of suicide among survivors due to trauma, shame or hopelessness.

"Psychological support programs are not accepted here so we are trying to start income programs that will help [women] psychologically at the same time," she said. "Some of these women do not want to talk at all. They need time. Some of them speak of frequent rape, up to six times a day. Others were not tortured or raped at all. Their situations vary often according to age or the area where they were held."

Sara and her parents now live at the Khanke IDP camp near Duhok, Iraq. (Tracey Shelton/GlobalPost)

‘We drove past so many bodies’

For 19-year-old Leila, the horror began as she tried to flee on foot from her village in Sinjar with her husband and his family. When IS vehicles caught up to them, militants forced the men to lie face down on the ground. Then they shot them, including boys as young as 14. Leila watched as her husband was executed.

The women were bundled into the backs of pickup trucks.

Leila clung to one-year-old Murad, her only child, as the women were driven to the town of Sebai. In separate interviews, Sara and Leila, who do not know each other, gave similar accounts of what they saw on the drive through this part of Sinjar.

"We drove past so many bodies. Even the bodies of children," Leila said. She sits now in the home of a relative in Duhok, holding baby Murad tightly in her arms.

Leila was eventually taken to Mosul, she said, and held in a hall with more than a thousand other women. They compared stories: Most often their men had been lined up and shot. Others had been taken away in trucks.

"[IS] told us we must convert to Islam," she said. "We refused and they left us alone for 10 days." Food continued to arrive, but the men stopped bringing milk for her baby.

Then things changed.

"They started to take the women away. Sometimes they let them bring their babies along, but other times they refused."

Leila said some women would disappear for several days, then return to the hall. Others never came back. Some of the men coming to choose women, mostly local Iraqis, looked as old as 70, Leila said.

Sara and her pregnant sister-in-law were also taken to Mosul.

"There was a big hall with three floors and each floor had 5 or 6 rooms," Sara said. "They told us if we didn't convert to Islam they would kill all the men in our families, so we said to ourselves, 'It's just words. In our hearts we are still Yazidi.' So I did it to save my brother."

The IS captors passed out Korans to the women. Since many were illiterate, the men would read to them from the books.

"They were always trying to tell us about religion," Sara said. "In those few days they didn't treat us so badly, but they were scary. They had dirty, hairy faces and they smelled bad."

Later they gave the women niqabs to wear (most Yazidi women wear conservative Western-style clothing, and sometimes hijabs) before moving them to a new hall.

"A sheikh came and took away about 20 or 30 of the most beautiful girls," Sara said, shielding her face from a gust of sand that blew through her family's flimsy tent. "Then a man said the married women would be sent to their husbands [if the husband had converted to Islam] to make a new Muslim family. They read out names and when a woman heard the name of her husband they came forward and were taken away. I stood with my sister-in-law waiting for my brother's name. But they never read it. We were so sad that night. We thought maybe he didn't convert yet or he was in another city."

Sara was then split from her sister-in-law and sent to another room with single women and girls her age. Men would come daily and choose two or three women. She said some paid the captors money. Others said the women were their "gifts." The women didn't return.

"We would try to make ourselves look ugly. Some women would cry or scream or fight, but it made no difference. They were always taken anyway," Sara said. "One girl hung herself. Another tried, but the IS guards stopped her and beat her very badly. No one else tried after that."

Sara made friends with 14-year-old Banaz. They vowed to stay together, no matter what. The day her friend was chosen, Sara refused to let her go, telling the man, "You take us both or you leave her here."

He took them both.

They were driven to Fallujah, where they were passed to two local men she described as "an old man and a fat man" who lived together in a mansion she says they took from a local family.

Sara described beatings, degrading treatment and having so little food the two girls were always frail and sick. The men also made them watch videos of Yazidi men being beheaded.

"In some [videos] they put the heads into cooking pots," she recalled, cringing at the memory. "Sometimes they would stand on them. There were so many heads. And they would ask us, 'Do you know this one?' and laugh." Sara described the men holding her as members of IS from Fallujah — possibly former Sunni extremists who had only recently joined the terror group.

A man breaks down in tears during a protest in Erbil calling for help securing the release of Yazidis captured by IS. (Tracey Shelton/GlobalPost)

Breaking free

Meanwhile in Mosul, Leila had been moved to a small house. Men had been coming daily to select women, until she — still with baby Murad — was the only one left.

"It was late at night. Murad was screaming. He needed water, so I banged on the door and screamed to the guards but no one came," Leila said. "I broke the door open. Still no one came. I found water in the kitchen and then snuck through the house and found [the militants] sleeping. So I ran."

At that point, Leila said, she wasn't afraid of being caught. Either she and Murad would get away, or they would be killed — both better fates than being sold, she said.

Once outside, she didn't know where to turn.

"People were staring at me in the street. There were no other women anywhere. Then an old Arab man came and asked me what I was doing. I told him I was Yazidi and he said, 'Don't worry. I'll help you.'"

The man took her to his family's home and gave her his daughter's ID card. Then he drove her and Murad to the IS checkpoint and told the militants that his grandson needed urgent medical care in Erbil. They got through.

In less than an hour, they made it to the peshmerga checkpoint. Leila was met by relatives from Duhok she had called using the old man's cellphone. She now lives with them there in a home overcrowded with displaced relatives and friends.

A Yazidi woman displaced by the Islamic State sits at a construction site that has become her home in Zahko, Iraq. (Tracey Shelton/GlobalPost)

In Fallujah, Sara was planning her own escape. She needed to find her brother, she told herself, so he could save his pregnant wife. When the men holding her left the house for Friday prayers, Sara saw her chance. She and Banaz broke down the door to their room and escaped into the Arab city, now an IS stronghold.

"We decided our best chance was to find a house with children. We walked for about 2 hours. People were staring at us. Two girls walking alone is not allowed. Finally we found a house with children playing outside. We just walked in the front door and said, 'Help us.' There were men and women sitting inside. They were scared. They said IS would kill them all if they knew we were there, but they let us stay with them anyway."

The next day, the family gave Sara and Banaz two of their ID cards and sent them by taxi to Baghdad, where they were dropped at a hotel owned by a Yazidi man.

The first thing Sara did was borrow a phone to call her brother, anxious to hear his voice. The line was dead. Next she called her mother, who answered.

The hotel owner secured a flight to Erbil for the girls, who were reunited with what remained of their families.

Along with Leila, Sara and Banaz have now joined more than 2.8 million internally displaced Iraqis. Their homes are gone, their families decimated. The only things left for them in Iraq, they say, are nightmares and a meager existence on international aid supplies.

Sara starts to talk about suicide again.

"The thought of seeing my brother and my parents again was the only thing that kept me alive," she said. "I do not want to live, not like this, but I have to become both a son and a daughter to my parents now. I live only for them, but I don't know how long I can last if we remain in Iraq."

In Pictures: Seized land in Palestine

Posted: 30 Sep 2014 07:08 PM PDT

Al Jazeera

Residents of the Wadi Fukin village received eviction notices as Israel plans on further seizing 400 hectares of land.

Wadi Fukin, ocuppied West Bank - Israel recently announced its decision to seize nearly 400 hectares of land in the occupied West Bank, a move anti-settlement activists termed the largest land grab in 30 years.

At the time, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas called on Israel to cancel the appropriation. ”This decision will lead to more instability. This will only inflame the situation after the war in Gaza,” presidential spokesman Abu Rdainah said.

In a statement published on its website, Peace Now also condemned the land confiscation and said that it would further damage the chance of achieving a lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians based on a two-state solution.

The Palestinian village of Wadi Fukin sits just west of Bethlehem along the Green Line, and is surrounded on three sides by Israeli settlements that are constantly growing.

Residents of Wadi Fukin were recently handed down eviction notices and had some of their farmlands destroyed, all with the purpose of forcing them to abandon their village. The villagers have refused to leave and now face a lengthy struggle to stay on their land.

/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media

Official letter to the villagers announce that their land is now ‘state land’. The letter was written in Hebrew and Arabic and pinned on every cardboard sign planted in the land. The farmers have 45 days to appeal the decision.

/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media

On every soon-to-be-seized land, the Israeli army has planted an official ‘state land’ yellow sign. All of the inhabitants removed and most of them destroyed the signs.

/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media

Ahmad Sokar, mayor of the village (centre), and his assistant visit Ibrahim (right), whose land is going to be seized.

/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media

Mohamed, 7, kisses his father’s land where they had planted olive trees six months ago. The Israeli army came and extracted them all. Mohamed’s father, Mustafa, received in addition a bill of 168 shekels ($46) to pay for the trees’ removal.

/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media

Mohamed and his father Mustafa sit on their land. Israel cut down all of their olive trees, but they still find reason to love and laugh.

/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media

Mohamed plays near his school – Israel refused authorisation to renovate the school. This part of the village is also often targeted with tear gas.

/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media

Ezzat el-Hroub found out through a media statement that nearly 10 acres of his land would be taken from him. In 1980, Israel took 5 acres and blew up his house because of ‘terrorist activities’. They later recognised it was ‘an error’. Hroub shows the article written by the American journalist Douglas Watson about the case.

/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media

Four girls from the village play in the playground. The site is threatened with demolition because it is part of the last land seizure announcement.

/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media

In 1948, Israel took half of now 82-year-old Hassan’s land. He now lives in a cave with his wife. ‘It is not enough to take our land, they also want our caves, they want everything. But it is our life,’ he said. Israel wants the cave so it can build new settlements on the mountain.

/Vinciane Jacquet/Transterra Media

This Israeli settlement sits just above the Palestinian village of Wadi Fukin. The settlement discharges sewege water directly on Palestinian farmers’ land, ruining the harvest and natural springs.

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