PERUTUSAN MA'AL HIJRAH 1435H OLEH DATO' SERI ANWAR IBRAHIM
Tatkala menghimbau peristiwa Hijrah, kita sewajarnya menginsafi iltizam dan tekad Rasulullah SAW yang tetap istiqamah dalam memacu dakwah dan proses perubahan ummah. Meski pun dihadapkan dengan pelbagai rintangan dan mehnah, namun umat Islam di bawah kepimpinan Rasulullah SAW tetap teguh berpegang kepada prinsip dan keimanan kepada Allah SWT. Peristiwa Hijrah sememangnya telah membuka dimensi baru dalam sejarah ketamadunan Islam. Sentimen dan faham perkauman berteras semangat kabilah dan suku yang menebal di kalangan masyarakat Arab ketika itu telah berjaya dirobek dan dipecahkan.
Perpindahan umat Islam dari Makkah ke Madinah menyaksikan bermulanya era baru dalam perkembangan dakwah Islam. Penyatuan kaum Ansar dan Muhajjirin merupakan titik tolak kepada pembinaan sebuah masyarakat madani dan pemerintahan negara yang berteraskan prinsip al-adli wal ihsan. Justeru penghayatan Hijrah seharusnya disemai menerusi pemahaman terhadap falsafah pembaharuan yang digagaskan oleh baginda Rasulullah SAW. Lompang besar dalam persoalan tatakelola yang mengabaikan prinsip kebertanggungjawaban dan ketelusan sewajarnya diatasi dan diperbaiki. Pembaziran dan ketirisan yang menjadi budaya dalam amalan tadbir urus mutakhir ini tidak boleh dibiarkan terus berlaku. Perubahan tidak akan dicapai seandainya kita terus bersikap laih dan lesu. Firman Allah SWT di dalam Al-Qur'an:
"Sesungguhnya Kami tidak akan mengubah nasib sesuatu kaum itu, melainkan mereka mengubah nasib mereka sendiri." (Surah Ar-Rad: ayat 11) Bagi pihak KEADILAN, saya mengucapkan Salam Ma'al Hijrah 1435 kepada seluruh umat Islam di Malaysia. Semoga Allah SWT terus melimpahkan rahmat dan hidayah untuk kita semua serta memberikan kita kekuatan untuk meneruskan perjuangan membawa perubahan di negara Malaysia yang tercinta ini.
DATO’ SERI ANWAR IBRAHIM KETUA PEMBANGKANG PARLIMEN MALAYSIA KETUA UMUM PARTI KEADILAN RAKYAT
Speech by Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim On The Launch Of Syed Husin Ali's “The Malay Rulers: Regression Or Reform?” in Petaling Jaya, November 3rd, 2013
Introduction
This is a booklet by general standards – a huge booklet perhaps but still a small book.
But Dr Syed Husin is not competing on size here. If we accept that the qualities of a good political book must include clarity of writing, an interesting story or history to tell, bold assertions of fact and most importantly a no-holds-barred criticism of those considered to be above criticism, then there is no question that this book meets the test.
His theme
Having had the privilege of reading it earlier, I can say that there are things said here about which many of us, if not all, wouldn't dare to say. Dr Syed Husin is, as social scientists would like to say, sui generis.
He is in a category of his own. Unique in terms of moral conviction. He is not in the business of saying things to please people.
I may be biased of course having known him for so long and partisan too for he had been in the senior party leadership. But let's put all these aside for thosefamiliar with his writings will be able to tell you that there is an unbreakable chain in his overriding theme and that is the theme of social justice.
And it is not just about welfare for the underprivileged or the economic position of Malays or how real development should be given to the lower-income group – no doubt important issues that should never be ignored.
But he goes beyond that into the realm of justice for those who have been unjustly treated, deep-seated inequality not just of material wealth but societal inequality in terms of status.
Unapologetic approach
In this book almost all the facts are in the public domain but, it is the manner in which Dr Syed Husin has asserted them that makes the difference. Inthis regard, some controversy will be stirred up by those who are in the business of stirring up controversies.
At p. 4 we get an immediate taste of the unapologetic approach of the author when he recounts an incident as told in Sejarah Melayu (The Malay Annals). This is the story of the son of Sultan Mansur Shah, Raja Muhamad,who killed the son of Tun Perak, Tun Besar. Well, he killed him because a ball that was kicked by Tun Besar had hit him on the head.
Did Tun Perak keep quiet and just let the matter pass? He most certainly did not. As the most famous prime minister in The Malay Annals he was not about to suffer in silence. So, he proclaimed:
"The Malay slave is never disloyal, but we should not have this prince as our master."
Consequently, he was not allowed to succeed his father.
This is not a story about disloyalty or treason but a story about a Prime Minister who had the courage to stand up to the Ruler in the face of oppression and injustice.
But one must not forget that it is also a story about the sense of justice and fairness of the Sultan. The cruelty was committed not by him but his heir. And by stripping his son of his position, the Sultan allowed justice to prevail.
Feudalism
As the title of the book suggests, it is about the Rulers of the Malay states but what is even more telling is the sub-head: Regression or reform? The focus therefore is very much also on the Malay feudal system. We know where the author is going when he refers to the existence of "a slave psychology" among the people. He uses this term interchangeably with "psychological servitude" as well as "slave mentality" and by his analysis, this phenomenon is buttressed by such concepts as loyalty and treason – as in 'setia' and 'derhaka'.
According to Dr Syed Husin, this slave mentality is manifested by the hierarchical terms of address, customs related to the palace, and the psychological attitude that influences the relationship between the Ruler and the people.
These are outdated terms of address and while linguistic changes cannot be achieved by mere legislation, Dr Syed Husin advocates the democratization of the spoken language when addressing the Ruler. The leaders must set the example.
For the record, I too have talked about feudalism before. This was in a speech atthe 51st UMNO General Assembly where I quoted Dato' Onn Jaafar who said that the concept of independence was not about reviving feudalism.
The point has to be made that criticising feudalism and calling for a change of mind-set – and this is essentially the thrust of Dr Syed Husin's book – is not the same as advocating the abolition of the institution of the Malay Rulers. No one is calling for such a thing – even though we expect the spin doctors from the other side to be working overtime to twist and turn our words.
British colonisation
In terms of style, Dr Syed Husin writes smoothly and concisely. The history ofBritish colonisation is summed up in just a few sentences. At p. 9, we are told that after the 1874 Treaty of Pangkor, Raja Abdullah was recognised by the British as Sultan while Raja Ismail was made regent. But indeed as there is no such thing as a free lunch, Sultan Abdullah had to agree to accept a British resident to be advisor to the Sultan on all matters except Islam and Malay custom.
And this is the part that sums up succinctly in one short sentence the history ofhow the British colonised the Malaya:
"Following Perak, one after another of the Malay states fell under British domination. In every state, a British Resident or Advisor was appointed."
This is history told in a no-nonsense fashion and truly illustrates the meaning of 'less is more'.
I won't cite further excerpts which speak for themselves but must be retold on this occasion since we have the audience and the medium. Dr Syed Husin debunks the concept that the Ruler is above the law and can do no wrong.
This, he says, can be clearly seen from the ceremony of the installation of a ruler. There are two significant characteristics. First, the ruler takes the oath to be just. Secondly, he is positioned below a copy of the Holy Quran symbolically placed on his head. Dr Syed Husin contends that this means the Ruler is subject to and cannot override Allah's commands as contained in the Quran.
Conflicts with rulers
As explained by the author, even though in theory the Rulers do not take part in the administration of the their states, several instances of conflicts with the political leaders in power stem directly from their interfering with the choice of the state's head of government.
Convention dictates that the Ruler acts on the advice of the Menteri Besar but there is a lacuna here because the appointment of the Menteri Besar is in the hands of the Ruler. Of course, the Ruler does not have absolute power in this regard but only discretionary power. He is to appoint as Menteri Besar someone who commands a majority in the state legislative assembly. That sounds elementary enough but as we know, and as is well documented in the book, the reality has been quite different.
And even more significant is the question of dissolution of the state assembly when it is requested by the Menteri Besar. Must he accede to the request or can he just ignore the incumbent Menteri Besar and, effectively sacking him, appoint a new Menteri Besar instead?
We know what happened in Perak.
Dr Syed Husin supports the removal of the Rulers' immunity from the law but he questions why the political leaders in power are so reluctant to remove their own immunity. Why, for example, have so many politicians got away with murder, literally?
Code of ethics
At p. 27, Dr Syed Husin talks about the Federal Government taking action to introduce a Code of Ethics to govern the Rulers. Indeed, at this juncture I can add some perspective into this account. Yes, in 1993 I led the delegation of senior UMNO leaders to meet with Sultan Azlan Shah who, as the Agong at that time, represented the Conference of Rulers. In my discussion with Sultan Azlan while drafting the Code of Ethics he expressed concern about the double standards of the political leaders. His concern was why were the UMNO leaders harping on the Rulers being involved in business while they themselves were so deeply tied up in business and enriching themselves.
This is a crucial point and it must be remembered that the support that was given to the government's initiatives to curtail the protection of immunity of the Rulers was predicated on the belief that there would be proper governance and the rule of law.
These moves were supported by all sides including the Opposition at that time. On hindsight, it would appear we were indeed misled and taken advantage of. The expectations that we had held then were eventually shattered as a result of the greed the powers that be.
Clarity about public spending can make poor countries richer
WHETHER you are a farmer in Mexico, a student in Nigeria or an IMF official, openness about government expenditure matters. In the run-up to this week's summit in London of the Open Government Partnership, a slow-moving international effort to promote transparency, clarity about budgets is a bit of a bright spot.
Until 2008 the Liberian government provided scant information on its spending. It now puts budget documents online, and in January erected an electronic billboard outside the Ministry of Finance in Monrovia, the capital, to provide fiscal news to passers-by. Meanwhile, Morocco and Kyrgyzstan publish their budgets on downloadable spreadsheets.
Openness need not be costly. Of the African states surveyed by the International Budget Partnership (IBP), a pressure group, 24 turned out already to produce 58 of the budgetary documents needed. But these were private—either for donors or for internal purposes. Warren Krafchik of the IBP says political will, not technical capacity, is the main brake on openness.
Once details are published, citizens can lobby for different spending priorities. BudgiT, a Nigerian group, turns the numbers into easily understood infographics. It shows that $144 billion from oil revenues could pay the university costs of 1.5m students, or provide fertiliser for 14m farmers. Fundar, a Mexican think-tank, created a website showing that richer states got the lion's share of money from the Procampo farm-subsidy programme. (Getting the data took 30 requests and 16 appeals.) After a media uproar the authorities brought in a new maximum payout for subsidies and promised to revise the list of recipients.
Openness and scrutiny encourage lenders. In a study in 2012 the IMF linked economic crises to undisclosed debts and deficits. Openness in public finances was found to be an important predictor of a country's credibility in the eyes of the market. Richard Hughes from the IMF's Fiscal Affairs Department says that clarity also makes shocks to fiscal policy less likely.
The IMF does not exactly practise what it preaches, however. In an index on aid transparency published last week, it came 28th out of 67 donor organisations for the openness of its aid programmes, with a "poor" score of 32%. (America's Millennium Challenge Corporation came top, with 89%.) Secrecy is a hard habit to ditch. But at least it is becoming more conspicuous.
Gambar-gambar ketika malam majlis sambutan Deepavali Peringkat Negeri Selangor pada 30 Oktober 2013 di Jalan Tengku Kelana, Klang. YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar hadir bersama Ahli Parlimen Kapar, YB Manivannan dan ahli-ahli majlis PBT. Dirasmikan oleh YAB Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim, Dato' Menteri Besar Negeri Selangor.
Pejabat Khidmat ADUN Seri Andalas telah mengadakan Program Jom Shopping Warga Emas di Pasaraya Econsave Kg Jawa pada 31 Oktober 2013.
Dalam program ini warga emas diberi baucar RM100 untuk membeli sebarang keperluan. Hadir dalam program adalah YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar dan Encik Abdul Manaf, Ahli Majlis MBSA.
YB Dr Xavier mengucapkan terima kasih kepada sukarelawan yang terlibat menjayakan program ini.
Pesta cahaya yang meraikan kemenangan keadilan ke atas kezaliman sekali lagi disambut oleh masyarakat Hindu di Malaysia dengan penuh semangat kekeluargaan dan pengeratan semula hubungan sesama keluarga dan kenalan. Kegembiraan ini sememangnya terpancar melalui hiasan beraneka rupa, hidangan juadah pelbagai rasa dan pakaian tradisi yang penuh warna-warni.
Dalam meraikan 'kemenangan' ini, jangan teman-teman lupa akan pengajaran disebalik perayaan Deepavali iaitu penerusan perjuangan menegakkan kebaikan dan keadilan serta penentangan penuh terhadap setiap kejahatan dan kezaliman.
Perjuangan memperbaiki taraf hidup kaum India di Malaysia terutama sekali di dalam isu pendidikan dan kebajikan rakyat luar bandar wajib terus diperjuangkan oleh seluruh rakyat Malaysia. Ini penting demi memastikan masalah jurang antara yang kaya dan yang miskin – tanpa mengira kaum, sememangnya – akan dapat diatasi.
Ketika menyambut perayaan ini di dalam suasana penuh kegembiraan, jangan juga lupa akan jiran-jiran dan rakan taulan yang kurang bernasib baik. Kongsilah kegembiraan anda bersama mereka semampunya.
Akhir sekali, saya mengambil kesempatan ini untuk mengucapkan "Deepavali Nal Valthukal" sempena sambutan Deepavali pada tahun ini.
DATO’ SERI ANWAR IBRAHIM Ketua Pembangkang Parlimen Malaysia Ketua Umum Parti KeADILan Rakyat
National leaders around the globe are heaping praises on Malaysia but who is paying the price?
The British Prime Minster, as reported by BERNAMA, unashamedly praises the Malaysian government.
The US recently heaped praises too when the Secretary of State visited the country in place of Barack Obama recently.
The Australians have sugar-coated their reservations too very recently, although Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and a concerned Australian Senator highlighted the Malaysian government's dereliction of duty to human rights.
But why are all these government leaders singing accolades? Why not mate especially when they are happy with Najib's promises of enriching these foreign governments to the tune of millions of Euros and US Dollars.
So Malaysia is busy looking for ways and means to enrich and prosper all developed nations who are certainly fearing a tornado of financial crisis that seems quite set in the horizon.
So just because Najib can give them business deals and attractive employment opportunities, these leaders have chosen to play blind and deaf and mute to the realities back in our own yard.
From songs of "moderate nation" to "prosperous leadership" Najib continues to carve a global image for himself. Well nothing wrong with that – lest we are accused for being jealous of his successes.
But when the home ground is in tatters and stinks to high heavens with evidences of human rights abuses and political marginalization and religious affronts, we have reasons to question and challenge.
Questions to prick the conscience
Have the leaders of USA, Australia and the UK forgotten that we have a Mongolian murdered here in a heinous way that no country can match in all of its recorded history and yet we have no killers and plotters?
Have the leaders forgotten how civil society was beaten, arrested and chased away when they assembled for peaceful, unarmed protests in all of the BERSIH rallies?
Have the leaders who seemingly only care for their own citizens' well being and their very own power agendas, not aware of how Malaysia rates in the world index for human rights? What about how we have notoriously been treating the exodus of immigrant labor and how the system rips off and profiteer from the millions of foreign labor in the country?
Have you Honorable – the British Prime Minister, US Secretary of State and Australian Prime Minister not read your local dailies that have responsibly reported how we have messed up religious freedom, rights and honor recently through the "Allah" debacle affronting the non-Muslims here?
Are you also absolutely blind to the way we are raping our environment and disposing indigenous natives of their rights?
Have you forgotten how Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was sacked, charged and still continues to be hounded using the 'Sodomy fixation' by the so-called government of Malaysia that you now say is a model to the world and feel so gratified that it can now give you billions of currency opportunities?
Creating ‘Africas’
You know for sure how elections here are still being questioned the world over for suspicions as well as alleged lack of free, fair and clean benchmarks as observed by democratic nations. You surely know too that Malaysia practices gerrymandering – don't you?
Malaysians are crying under the yoke of increased living costs, stagnant wages, divisive policies based on race and creed priorities, and more threats of GST and TPPA in the pipeline.
If you are not practicing 'colonialisation' now then what else is it? There seems to be no other way to explain how you could be praising and flattering Malaysia's leadership when the world – including all your own citizens know the whole truth and nothing else but the truth about what really is taking place in Malaysia these past thirty years.
Hopefully your own nation's local dailies will find it appropriate and important to spill the beans in the wake your "any means to your ends" strategies that you are championing.
Let us not in the distant future end up lamenting that it is leaders like you who would be guilty of creating many ‘Africas’ in the world.
ADUN Teja Chang Lih Kang mengatakan bahawa pemberian Bantuan Rakyat 1 Malaysia (BR1M) tidak cukup menampung kos kehidupan memandangkan harga barang melambung tinggi berikutan subsidi dimansuhkan. “Apabila subsidi gula dimansuhkan dan subsidi minyak masak dikurangkan, yang rugi dan terus dibebankan adalah rakyat.” Katanya semasa penyampaian sumbangan kepada miskin tegar di kawasan DUN Teja. Lih Kang […]
Kenyataan Media YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar, ADUN Seri Andalas
Henti Jadikan Peruntukan dan Bantuan Pendidikan Projek Segera Untuk Raih Undi Pilihanraya
Pendidikan sepatutnya tidak dipolitikkan apatah lagi dijadikan modal untuk meraih undi ketika pilihanraya. Namun, perkara tersebut terus berlaku akibat kerakusan dan ketamakan kuasa oleh Barisan Nasional tanpa mengambil kira kesan jangka panjang akibat tindakan yang diambil.
Terbaharu, Timbalan Perdana Menteri, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin telah mengumumkan peruntukan berjumlah RM2.25 juta untuk sekolah-sekolah Cina di sekitar kawasan DUN Sungai Limau. Tindakan mengumumkan projek segera untuk meraih undi tatkala hari mengundi menjelang beberapa hari sahaja lagi boleh disifatkan sebagai satu tindakan yang amat terdesak.
Perkara yang sama turut berlaku sebelum ini, kaum Cina dan India terutamanya digula-gulakan dengan janji-janji bantuan pendidikan setiap kali adanya pilihanraya. Adakah peruntukan dan bantuan pendidikan hanya diumumkan ketika Barisan Nasional mahu memenangi sesuatu pilihanraya dan mendapat sokongan rakyat sahaja?
Saya pasti rakyat secara umumnya dan pendundi khasnya telah maklum dan matang dengan taktik memancing undi dengan menabur segala projek segera oleh Barisan Nasional. Namun dengan menjadikan pendidikan sebagai projek segera menunjukkan bahawa Barisan Nasional yang menerajui Kerajaan Pusat mengambil enteng tentang hala tuju pendidikan negara.
Keadaan ini adalah sangat membimbangkan dan tidak hairanlah risiko jurang pencapaian sistem pendidikan Malaysia dengan negara lain semakin lebar. Ini terbukti melalui pentaksiran antarabangsa terbaharu yang dikeluarkan oleh Program Penilaian Pelajar Antarabangsa (PISA) dan Kajian Trend Pendidikan Matematik dan Sains Antarabangsa (TIMSS).
Berdasarkan keputusan TIMSS 2011, 35 peratus dan 38 peratus murid Malaysia gagal mencapai tahap kemahiran minimum dalam Matematik dan Sains, iaitu kenaikan dua hingga empat kali ganda berbanding tujuh dan 13 peratus pada 1999. Keputusan tidak memberansangkan juga dicatatkan oleh pelajar Malaysia dalam keputusan pada kitaran pentaksiran untuk PISA 2009, kedudukan negara terletak di kelompok ketiga terbawah dalam kalangan 74 negara, iaitu dibawah pencapaian purata antarabangsa dan Pertubuhan Kerjasama dan Pembangunan Ekonomi (OECD).
Hampir 60 peratus murid berumur 15 tahun yang menyertai PISA 2009 juga gagal mencapai tahap kemahiran minimum dalam Matematik, manakala 44 peratus dalam Bacaan dan 43 peratus dalam Sains. Sepatutnya Kerajaan Pusat sedar dengan risiko jurang ini dan mengambil langkah berhemah dalam memastikan hala tuju pendidikan negara namun tetap meneruskan pendidikan sebagai projek segera mereka.
Sebarang peruntukan dan pembangunan melibatkan pendidikan seharusnya mengambil kira bukan sahaja matlamat jangka pendek malah matlamat dan kesan jangka masa panjang. Perlu mengambil kira semua peringkat umur serta menyediakan lepasan sekolah dengan kemahiran tinggi serta kemahiran teknikal untuk mewujudkan tenaga kerja mahir yang bakal menerajui negara nanti.
Saya juga berharap Kerajaan Negeri Selangor melihat apa yang dilakukan oleh Barisan Nasional yang menerajui Kerajaan Pusat dalam isu menjadikan pendidikan ini sebagai projek segera ini sebagai satu sempadan. Dalam pembentangan Belanjawan Selangor yang akan datang ini saya berharap pembangunan pendidikan mengambil kira semua peringkat umur, keperluan semua jenis sekolah serta matlamat jangka panjang menyediakan generasi pekerja mahir.
Menjadikan pendidikan sebagai projek segera meraih undi pada pilihanraya perlu dihentikan dengan segera dan perlu fokus kepada perancangan yang teliti untuk kehendak sebenar.
YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar dan Ketua Kampung, Tuan Haji Ismail meluangkan masa melawat seorang penduduk di Taman Indah, Klang yang memerlukan bantuan pada 28 Oktober lepas. Pada lawatan tersebut, YB Dr Xavier telah menyerahkan sumbangan hamper kepada Encik Ramakrishnan.
PETALING JAYA 29 OKT: KEADILAN akan menganjurkan Kongres Nasional Khas 2013 pada 24 November ini di Dewan Raja Muda Musa, Kompleks Belia dan Kebudayaan Negeri Selangor, di Shah Alam.
"Kongres itu nanti bakal dihadiri 2000 perwakilan seluruh negara termasuk Sabah Sarawak dan tetamu jemputan," kata pemangku Setiausaha Agung, Tian Chua yang juga Naib Presiden parti.
Turut sama pada sidang media itu, Ahli Majlis Pimpinan Tertinggi, Datin Paduka Tan Yee Kew dan Setiausaha Jawatankuasa Pindaan Perlembagaan parti, Hanif Mahmud Pathi.
Pengarah Komunikasi, Fahmi Fadzil yang ditemui sebelum itu berkata, matlamat Kongres tersebut untuk membentang dan meluluskan beberapa pindaan dalam perlembagaan parti.
Menurutnya, pindaan tersebut akan memberi kesan kepada proses pemilihan parti kali ini.
Fahmi berkata, antara cadangan yang hangat dan hebat dibincangkan ialah pindaan jumlah undi untuk Majlis Pimpinan Pusat (MPP).
"Kalau sebelum ini seorang ahli boleh memilih 20 nama calon tetapi cadangan sekarang adalah meminda kepada lima nama sahaja untuk memudahkan proses pengiraan undi dan ia sedang dipertimbangkan.
"Beberapa maklumat berhubung pindaan lain akan kita maklumkan kemudian," katanya yang juga Setiausaha Politik Ahli Parlimen Lembah Pantai.
Mengulas berhubung perkembangan pemilihan pimpinan KEADILAN, Fahmi berkata, pemilihan tersebut akan diadakan antara April atau Mei tahun hadapan.
"Kaedah pemilihan di peringkat cabang dan pusat juga akan berlaku perubahan di mana pemilihan akan diadakan sekali untuk menjimatkan masa dan tenaga berbanding sebelum ini dibuat secara berasingan," jelasnya.
KUALA LUMPUR 29 OKT: Tidak wajar gaji terlalu tinggi dibayar kepada pegawai kanan termasuk berstatus kontrak di Jabatan Perdana Menteri (JPM) dalam keadaan subsidi rakyat terbanyak dipotong, kata Ahli Parlimen Serdang, Dr Ong Kian Ming.
"Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Razak harus sama mengurangkan perbelanjaan tidak perlu jika beliau serius mahu membantu rakyat yang kini berdepan kos sara hidup tinggi ekoran tindakannya memotong subsidi gula, minyak masak dalam bajetnya baru-baru ini.
"Najib harus ingat peruntukan jabatannya melonjak 13 peratus berbanding tahun lalu iaitu RM250 bilion kepada RM264 bilion," katanya dalam sidang media di lobi Parlimen hari ini.
Beliau mengulas gaji pegawai kanan JPM yang disifatkannya melampau kerana lebih tinggi berbanding gaji penjawat awam.
Manakala pada pembentangan Bajet 26 Oktober lalu, Najib memotong subsidi rakyat sebanyak RM7.3 bilion.
"Pada 1 Oktober lalu, saya diberitahu gaji tahunan, elaun dan bonus Ketua Pegawai Eksekutif (CEO) Agensi Inovasi Malaysia RM830,500 (gaji bulanan kira-kira RM69,000).
"CEO TalentCorp bergaji bulanan RM30,000 tidak termasuk elaun kereta RM5,000 sebulan.
"Gaji bulanan semua CEO ini lebih tinggi daripada penjawat awam seperti Ketua Setiausaha Negara bergaji sebulan hanya RM23,577," katanya.
Beliau turut mendedahkan pegawai JPM berstatus kontrak yang dibayar gaji setaraf pegawai tinggi penjawat awam.
"Contohnya, gaji Pengarah Pengurusan Unit Penyampaian dan Pengurusan Prestasi (PEMANDU) setaraf dengan JUSA A/B penjawat awam bergaji maksimum RM49,000 sebulan, Pengarah Bersekutunya bersamaan JUSA C penjawat awam bergaji maksimum RM31,600 sebulan.
"Jawatan Pengurus Kanan pula bersamaan penjawat awam Gred 54 bergaji maksimum RM21,000 sebulan," katanya.
Ong turut mendesak Najib menjimatkan wang rakyat dengan menghentikan kewujudan agensi baru Yayasan Hijau kerana fungsinya bertindih dengan agensi sedia ada seperti Pihak Berkuasa Pembangunan Tenaga Lestari Malaysia (SEDA) serta Pusat Inovasi dan Kreativiti Global Malaysia (MAGIC).
YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar selaku ADUN Seri Andalas meluangkan masa bersama Ketua Kampung, Tuan Hj Ismail untuk membuat lawatan ke Sekolah Pra Sekolah JAIS, Jalan Jumaat, Kg Jawa. Memantau aspek keselamatan kanak-kanak Pra Sekolah tersebut.
Adalah menjadi matlamat YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar selaku ADUN Seri Andalas untuk memastikan kebajikan setiap rakyat didalam kawasannya diberi penekanan. Ini adalah termasuk golongan wanita yang memainkan peranan penting dalam sesebuah keluarga dalam setiap komuniti.
Atas keprihatinan yang seiring dengan keutamaan Kerajaan Negeri Selangor untuk menjaga kebajikan rakyat, berbagai-bagai program untuk wanita telah diadakan sejak tahun 2008 lagi.
Antaranya adalah menganjurkan kelas-kelas seperti menjahit manik, menjahit pakaian dan langsir, menghasilkan mee dan membuat kek.
Sejak bulan Mac 2013, kelas-kelas berikut telah dianjurkan:
KELAS MENJAHIT MANIK - Tiga kelas menjahit manik telah dianjurkan, para wanita diajar kemahiran untuk membuat rantai manik yang kini popular dijual secara dalam talian. Para wanita yang mengikuti kelas ini diberikan sijil pada akhir tamat kelas.
KELAS MENJAHIT ASAS - Bagi wanita yang berminat untuk mula mempelajari menjahit, kelas jahitan asas dan langsir dianjurkan. Dua kelas telah diadakan sejak Mac 2013. Setiap sesi adalah selama dua setengah jam selama empat hari. Sijil tamat latihan diberikan dan kepada mereka yang ingin meneruskan ke tahap yang seterusnya, Pejabat Khidmat ADUN Seri Andalas juga menganjurkan kelas menjahit pakaian tradisional seperti pakaian Punjabi.
KELAS MENJAHIT PAKAIAN PUNJABI - Empat kelas telah diadakan. Setiap sesi adalah selama dua setengah jam selama tujuh hari. Kelas-kelas menjahit adalah percuma, para wanita hanya perlu membawa bahan sendiri. Pada akhir kelas, para wanita akan diberi sijil tamat latihan.
KELAS MENGHASILKAN MEE - Satu kelas menghasilkan mee telah diadakan untuk mengajar para wanita untuk menghasilkannya dari rumah.
KELAS MEMBUAT KEK – Sebanyak lima kelas telah dianjurkan. Para peserta hanya perlu membayar minimum untuk bahan dan akan mempelajari berbagai-bagai jenis kek yang kini mendapat sambutan yang menggalakkan.
YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar berharap dengan segala program yang dianjurkan dapat membantu para wanita terutamanya yang datang dari latarbelakang ibu tunggal dan kurang berkemampuan untuk meningkatkan tahap ekonomi keluarga masing-masing.
Para wanita yang berminat untuk mengikuti kelas-kelas yang dinyatakan, bolehlah menghubungi Bilik Gerakan DUN Seri Andalas di talian 03-51610400 untuk mendapatkan maklumat lanjut.
Kongres Kesatuan Sekerja Malaysia (MTUC) yang terdiri daripada 800,000 ahli menentang pelaksanaan Cukai Barangan dan Perkhidmatan (GST) yang dilihat membebankan pekerja berpendapatan rendah dan rakyat terbeban dengan cukai berganda dikenakan kepada mereka.
Presidennya, Mohd Khalid Atan, berkata golongan pekerja yang akan terkesan dengan pelaksanaan GST adalah mereka yang bergaji rendah dan pertengahan selain kerajaan tidak memberi jaminan kenaikan barang melampau tidak berlaku.
"Apa bukti kerajaan GST tidak membebankan rakyat? Meskipun Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Razak mendakwa barangan keperluan asas tidak dikenakan GST, namun barangan seperti sayur dan ikan sudah beberapa kali mencatatkan kenaikan harga.
"Sekarang pun terbukti apabila kerajaan tidak mampu mengawal kenaikan harga barang. Dengan kenaikan harga barang semasa, kos sara hidup meningkat apatah lagi apabila dikenakan GST. Bagaimana kerajaan boleh memastikan tiada kenaikan harga barang?
"Kita sendiri pun tahu siapa yang akan dikenakan GST. Ia bermula daripada pengilang, pemborong, peruncit dan akhir sekali kepada pengguna," katanya ketika dihubungi The Malaysian Insider.
Mohd Khalid berkata, golongan pekerja semakin menderita apabila satu persatu harga barangan keperluan asas dinaikkan kerajaan sebelum pelaksanaan GST pada April 2015.
Katanya, meskipun pembentangan Perdana Menteri menyebut tiada kenaikan harga barang apabila GST dilaksanakan namun subsidi gula dikurangkan sebanyak 34 sen dan subsidi petrol dikurangkan 20 sen.
"Jika satu persatu kerajaan menaikkan harga barangan keperluan, apa yang akan terjadi kepada golongan pekerja? Pekerja yang mendapat gaji di bawah RM900 masih sekitar 40% daripada tenaga kerja negara.
"Pada masa ini garisan kemiskinan berada pada paras RM820, maka mereka yang bergaji RM600 sebulan dikira sebagai miskin pada masa ini. Malah mereka yang bergaji RM1,500 pun pada hari ini turut berdepan masalah kewangan.
"Golongan yang dikenakan cukai ini adalah terdiri daripada pekerja berpendapatan rendah. Kita faham kerajaan mahu mengurangkan defisit negara tetapi mereka juga tidak boleh membebankan golongan pekerja bawahan," katanya.
Sehubungan itu, beliau menggesa kerajaan tidak melaksanakan GST dan berhenti membandingkan Malaysia dengan negara lain sebagai retorik mahu melaksanakan GST.
Katanya, landskap ekonomi di Malaysia berbeza kerana negara lain yang mengenakan GST akan memberikan pulangan semula pelbagai bentuk faedah kepada rakyat.
"Kita tahu GST akan bebankan rakyat. Maka kita minta kerajaan jangan laksanakan GST ini. Jangan banding dengan negara lain, kerana negara lain banyak memberi faedah kepada rakyat mereka.
"Apa yang kita dapat di negara kita? Adakah bantuan diberikan kerajaan mampu menanggung derita 6% GST yang dikenakan rakyat. Maka, jawapannnya tidak.
"Kita dikenakan cukai setiap hari. Tiada pengecualian. Kerajaan patut berfikir dua kali sebelum melaksanakan GST. MTUC tentang GST. Kami tidak melihat apa kebaikan GST ini kepada rakyat," katanya.
Perdana Menteri semasa membentangkan Bajet 2014 di Dewan Rakyat pada Jumaat mengumumkan GST akan dilaksanakan mulai 1 April 2015 dan kadar cukainya dikenakan sebanyak 6%.
Najib berkata, melalui GST, kerajaan dapat menangani banyak kelemahan dalam sistem percukaian sedia ada dan kedah percukaian itu sudah dilaksanakan di 160 buah negara di dunia yang menunjukkan GST adalah sistem percukaian terbaik.
Katanya, di kalangan negara Asean, Indonesia, Filipina, Laos dan Kemboja mengguna pakai GST serta katanya kadar GST 6% merupakan yang terendah di Asean.
SHAH ALAM 29 OKT : Pelaksanaan Cukai Barangan dan Perkhidmatan (GST) bakal memberi kesan negatif kepada golongan miskin yang terpaksa membayarnya apabila mula dilaksanakan, bermula 1 April 2015.
Mantan Penolong Gabenor Bank Negara Malaysia, Dr Rosli Yaakop, berkata kesan GST itu menyeluruh dan memberikan kesan keada semua rantaian ekonomi, sekali gus turut membawa impak kenaikan harga bagi sebahagian besar bahan makanan asas.
"Golongan miskin turut menjadi mangsa GCT kerana terpaksa membayarnya dan ini hanya akan menambahkan beban cukai ke atas semua lapisan rakyat kerana mereka adalah pengguna.
"Walaupun Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, mengumumkan beberapa makanan asas tidak perlu bayar cukai GST tetapi itu bukan jaminan harga barangan terbabit akan kekal," katanya di dalam portal Harakah daily.
Beliau yang juga pakar ekonomi PAS berkata, pengumuman pelaksanaan GST itu juga sengaja dilakukan pada tempoh yang masih jauh dengan Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-14 (PRU-14).
"Barisan Nasional (BN) anggap bila tiba PRU-14, kesan GST yang pada awalnya mengundang kemarahan rakyat akan reda dan mereka akan kembali sokong BN," katanya.
Dr Rosli berkata, dakwaan Najib kononnya kadar GST Malaysia terendah iaitu pada kadar enam peratus, berbanding Singapura dan Indonesia tidak disokong dengan kenyataan lain.
"Satu fakta yang gagal disebut Najib adalah di Singapura, cukai korporat dan cukai peribadi jauh lebih rendah antara 16 hingga 17 peratus.
"Di Malaysia walaupun diumum turun satu hingga dua peratus tetapi kadar dua cukai itu masih tinggi antara 23 hingga 24 peratus," katanya.
1. Sebenarnya, Bajet Barisan Nasional 2014 hanyalah satu pengulangan dan pengekalan sikap boros berbelanja Barisan Nasional yang hanya mementingkan dan menguntungkan segolongan kecil rakyat disebalik penambahan derita ekonomi dan bebanan kewangan rakyat terbanyak
2. Meskipun Bajet Barisan Nasional diramalkan akan mengakibatkan pengurangan defisit Negara dari 4% kepada 3.5% KDNK, apabila dikaji dengan lebih teliti, masalah fiskal ini tidak diatasi dengan cara yang betul. Perbelanjaan pengurusan negara sepatutnya dikurangkan melalui pengurangan perbelanjaan perbekalan dan perkhidmatan yang selalunya terededah kepada ketirisan dan pembaziran, manakala, perbelanjaan pembangunan sepatutnya ditambah untuk menjana lebih banyak program-program pembangunan ekonomi
3. Ciri dan masalah utama Bajet Barisan Nasional adalah perbelanjaan pengurusan negara sekali lagi naik daripada RM 216.2 billion (2013) kepada RM 217.6 billion (2014), manakala, perbelanjaan pembangunan terus-menerus dikurangkan daripada RM 45.1 billion (2013) kepada RM 44.5 billion (2014). Perbelanjaan subsidi untuk rakyat pula dikurangkan serta mendadak sebanyak RM 7.3 billion dan seterusnya cengkaman kewangan rakyat ditambahkan melalui GST pada kadar 6% pada 2015
4. GST juga merupakan suatu kebimbangan memandangkan ianya merupakan suatu bentuk cukai regresif yang sekiranya dilaksanakan dalam keadaan ekonomi kini akan menyebabkan pelebaran jurang ketidakseimbangan pendapatan ("income inequality') yang wujud kini.
5. Di dalam keghairahan pemimpin Barisan Nasional meniru penyelesaian ekonomi dari Barat, seperti GST, kita tidak mahu wujudnya suatu keadaan ketidakseimbangan pendapatan yang lebih buruk di Malaysia, di mana golongan berada bertambah kaya, golongan bawahan semakin menderita, sepertimana yang sedang dialami di Amerika Syarikat. Menurut suatu kajian yang dibuat oleh Emmanuel Saez di University Calfornia Berkeley, mengenai permasalahan ketidakseimbangan pendapatan di Amerika Syarikat bertajuk "Striking it Richer: The Evolution of Top Incomes in the United States" bertarikh September 2013, beliau mendapati bahawa; "the top 1% incomes (of the population) grew by 31.4% while bottom 99% incomes grew only by 0.4% from 2009 to 2012. Hence the top 1% captured 95% of the income gains in the first three years of the economic recovery hence, close to recovering, while the bottom 99% have hardly started to recover"
6. Belanjawan Alternatif Pakatan Rakyat 2014, Pakatan Rakyat dengan jelas telah menggariskan cadangan pengurangan defisit dengan menangani ketirisan dan pembaziran yang rata-ratanya membarah pada perbelanjaan pengurusan menurut Laporan Ketua Audit Negara
Realiti Ekonomi Global
7. Prospek yang lebih baik bagi ekonomi global pada tahun 2014 berbanding 2013 oleh badan dunia seperti OECD, IMF dan Bank Dunia pada kadar 3.0% hingga 4.0% tidak boleh dijadikan alasan untuk Malaysia bersikap tidak endah akan kedudukan fiskal dan pembangunan ekonomi negara
8. Ini adalah kerana ramalan di atas masih lagi tertakluk kepada beberapa faktor global yang penuh ketidaktentuan seperti siling hutang kerajaan dan penarikan semula "quantitative easing" di Amerika Syarikat, kelembapan ekonomi Eropah akibat kesan penjimatan dan pertumbuhan ekonomi negara China yang kurang memberangsangkan
9. Berdasarkan ketidaktentuan di atas, pengurusan ekonomi yang berhemah perlu menjadi dasar utama kerajaan untuk memastikan Malaysia tidak terpaksa berdepan dengan risiko kenaikan kos khidmat bayaran hutang negara secara mendadak, penguncupan permintaan dalam negeri bagi mengimbangi sebarang penurunan permintaan luar akibat kemerosotan eksport dan risiko defisit berkembar pada belanjawan negara dan penguncupan akaun semasa
10. Mutakhir ini, kita telah menyaksikan satu siri pasang surut modal di dalam pasaran aset global kerana para pelabur terutamanya yang dahulunya selesa dengan era "wang mudah" kini dilihat menjual asset-aset yang lebih berisiko terutamanya dalam pasaran negara membangun dan lebih cenderung mengalihkan pelaburan mereka ke dalam aset pasaran maju yang dilihat lebih baik dan selamat
11. Sekiranya jangkaan pemulihan ekonomi global yang lebih meluas dan muktamad tidak menjadi kenyataan, kemerosotan eksport semasa dijangkakan akan terus memberi tekanan ke atas sektor pembuatan Malaysia sehingga hujung tahun ini, mengheret pertumbuhan KDNK pada kadar yang lebih perlahan dan melewatkan pemulihan muktamad bagi ekonomi Malaysia ke suku kedua 2014 meskipun sokongan yang memberangsangkan dari permintaan domestic swasts dan awam. Buat masa ini, Pakatan Rakyat menjangkakan ekonomi Malaysia akan berkembang pada kadar 5.2% bagi tahun 2014
12. Jangkaan pengurangan subsidi berterusan dan pengenalan Goods & Services Tax (GST) dilihat sebagai usaha konsolidasi fiskal untuk mengelakkan kemungkinan penurunan taraf kepada penarafan kredit berdaulat Malaysia berikutan semakan bagi "outlook" kepada negatif daripada stabil oleh Fitch Ratings pada hujung bulan Julai 2013, berkemungkinan memberi tekanan ke atas inflasi pada masa hadapan.
13. Pengurangan berterusan kepada lebihan akaun semasa Malaysia, yang mengecil kepada hanya RM2.55 billion pada suku kedua 2013 berbanding purata sukuan sebanyak RM23.93 billion di antara 2005 dan 2012, memungkinkan Malaysia menghadapi masalah defisit berkembar ("twin deficit") dalam jangka masa yang terdekat.
PRESTASI KERAJAAN BN SEMENJAK PRU-12
Prestasi buruk dan tiada kesungguhan pengurangan perbelanjaan pengurusan
14. Berdasarkan data Kementerian Kewangan di dalam Laporan Ekonomi tahunannya, jelas bahawa, perbelanjaan pengurusan sebenar bertambah setiap tahun mulai 2010. RM 151.6 billion 2010, RM 182.6 billion 2011, RM 205.5 2012 dan RM 216.2 untuk anggaran 2013. Kadar purata pertambahan untuk setiap tahun adalah sebanyak RM 22 billion atau 13%
15. Perbelanjaan pembangunan pula menurun secara konsisten setiap tahun bermula 2010, iaitu RM 51.3 billion 2010, RM 45.3 billion 2011, RM 44.3 billion 2012 dan RM 45.1 billion untuk anggaran 2013. Kadar purata pengurangan setiap tahun adalah sebanyak RM 2 billion atau 5%
16. Ini ditambah pula dengan perbekalan tambahan yang dilakukan 2 kali setahun secara berterusan semenjak 2009
17. Kajian perbedaan di antara anggaran jumlah perbelanjaan tahunan dengan jumlah perbelanjaan sebenar tahunan mendapati bahawa "underestimation" jumlah perbelajaan tahunan kerajaan adalah pada kadar purata 7% setiap tahun
18. Kadar purata peningkatan jumlah perbelanjaan tahunan kerajaan tahun demi tahun pada 9% juga amat membimbangkan terutamanya apabila kadar pertumbuhan ekonomi hanya pada 4% hingga 5% setahun. Dalam ertikata lain, kadar kenaikan perbelanjaan mengatasi kadar pertumbuhan ekonomi yang boleh menjurus ekonomi Negara kepada keadaan yang lebih parah
19. Kami juga ingin memaklumkan Dewan ini bahawa sebelum pimpinan Dato' Seri Najib, kerajaan selalunya memperuntukkan 30 hingga 35% daripada jumlah perbelanjaan untuk perbelanjaan pembangunan. Tetapi pada era Dato' seri najib, nisbah ini telah turun pada kadar 20%. Perlu diingatkan bahawa masih banyak pembangunan perlu dilakukan di kawasan pendalaman dan negeri-negeri seperti Sabah dan Sarawak yang bakal mengecapi sedikit keselesaan sekiranya perbelanjaan pembangunan ditingkatkan
20. Jika kesemua permerhatian ini diambilkira, adakah ini gambaran sebuah kerajaan yang bertanggungjawab dan berhemat dikala rakyat menderita akibat kesempitan ekonomi dan bebanan kewangan?
21. Oleh itu, perlukah Dewan ini percaya akan angka-angka anggaran yang diberi kerajaan untuk tahun 2014? Setiap kali anggaran perbelanjaan dibuat sudah tentunya jumlah perbelanjaan sebenar akan menjadi lebih besar dan sudah tentu juga akan ada perbekalan tambahan. Kami menganggarkan bahawa perbelanjaan pengurusan 2014 akan bertambah sekurang-kurangnya 10% lagi iaitu RM 22 billion, menjadikan perbelanjaan pengurusan berjumlah sekitar RM 240 billion. Ini bermakna paras defisit keseluruhan Negara bagi 2014 akan meningkat kepada RM 59 billion. Berkemungkinan besar kadar defisit negara boleh melonjak pada kadar yang lebih tinggi daripada kadar 3.5% KDNK yang dianggarkan untuk 2014. Terima kasih Barisan Nasional!
22. Di samping permasalahan defisit negara, perlu juga diingatkan bahawa penguncupan akaun semasa akibat penguncupan lebihan dagangan boleh mengheret Malaysia ke dalam permasalahan 'twin defisit'. Ini boleh menyebabkan Malaysia kehilangan kekuatan fiskal untuk menangani kemelesetan ekonomi yang mungkin timbul akibat kelembapan berterusan ekonomi global. Perdagangan lebihan (trade surplus) untuk 2014 dianggarkan pada RM 57.3billion berbanding RM 64.3 billion (2013), RM 94.82 billion (2012), RM 124.24 billion (2011). Anggaran 2014 hampir menyamai tahun 1998 pada RM 58.44 billion.
23. Inilah kerajaan BN yang sebenar. Kerajaan boros yang kini dilamun kerunsingan akibat penerusan keborosan dan kecuaian menjaga ekonomi negara tetapi masih tidak ada kekuatan untuk mengakui kelemahan ini dengan mengurangkan perbelanjaan pengurusannya demi mengurangkan bebanan kewangan rakyat. LANGKAH PENGURANGAN SUBSIDI
Pengurangan subsidi menguntungkan siapa? 24. Kami mendapati tiada pengurangan sebenar pada perbelanjaan pengurusan melainkan pengurangan subsidi. Antara penuruan subsidi yang dimaklumkan adalah; a. penghapusan sebanyak RM 551.25 juta subsidi gula oleh Kementerian Perdagangan Dalam Negeri, Koperasi dan Kepenggunaan. b. pengurangan sebanyak RM 505.365 juta untuk minyak masak melalui Skim Penstabilan Harga Minyak Masak oleh Kementerian Perusahaan Perladangan dan Komoditi
25. Kita semua maklum akan kesan penghapusan subsidi gula di mana lonjakan segera sebanyak 34 sen/kg telah terkesan. Akibat dari penghapusan in, industri gula akan dimonopoli oleh 2 syarikat utama iaitu Malaysian Sugar Manufacturing (dimiliki Felda Global Ventures) dan Central Sugar (dimiliki Tradewinds).
26. Pendapatan kasar industri gula adalah sekitar RM 4 billion setahun. Pada kebiasaannya, keuntungan sebelum cukai syarikat gula adalah sekitar 9%. Setelah kemasukan syarikat dimiliki Tan Sri Mokhtar ke dalam sektor ini, keuntungan sebelum cukai telah melonjak naik kepada 15%. Dengan penghapusan subsidi, kentungan sebelum cukai syarikat-syarikat di dalam sektor ini dijangka melonjak ke 20% hingga 25% dengan pengumpulan keuntungan hampir RM 1 billion, akibat pengukuhan monopoli oleh kedua syarikat ini. Yang menjadi pertanyaan kita mengapa korporat mendapat kentungan berganda akibat penghapusan subsidi gula dan rakyat dibebankan dgn kenaikan harga gula?
27. Seharusnya liberalisasi industri gula perlu dilakukan untuk mengelakkan monopoli berterusan yang boleh mengekang kenaikan harga gula akibat pengurangan subsidi dengan kemasukan syarikat-syarikat pembekal baru. Dengan izin: Remove monopoly to allow free market mechanism to take place
28. Ketika rakyat masih lagi dikejutkan dengan kenaikan harga gula, mengapa Perdana Menteri dalam ucapan bajet beliau segan mengumumkan kenaikan harga minyak masak yang bakal dihadapi akibat pengurangan subsidi yang bernilai RM 505 juta yang hampir sama dengan subsidi gula yang dihapuskan?
29. Kita sedia maklum bahawa syarikat-syarikat pengeluar minyak masak yang dibarisi Felda, Sime Darby dan sebagainya semestinya juga mendapat keuntungan yang banyak kerana syarikat-syarikat ini memiliki ladang-ladang kelapa sawit yang banyak.
30. Mengapa kerajaan pilih untuk mengurangkan subsidi dan menyembunyikan kesan pengurangan subsidi minyak masak? Di dalam keadaan semasa di mana pengeluaran minyak mentah kelapa sawit dunia berada pada tahap yang tertinggi, kerajaan Indonesia sebagai contoh telah memperuntukkan subsidi minyak kelapa sawit (CPO) sebanyak 2 liter kepada setiap isirumah dan juga subsidi untuk biofuel. Mengapa kerajaan Malaysia tidak pilih inisiatif sebegini untuk menyerap pengeluaran CPO yang berlebihan sebaliknya membebankan rakyat dengan harga minyak masak yang bakal dinaikkan?
31. Jelas apabila dilihat kepada pengurangan subsidi bahan makanan seperti gula dan minyak masak ini, yang rugi dan terus dibebankan adalah rakyat. Sebaliknya korporat-koporat besar terus dibelai dan dilindungi daripada kerugian.
Pendekatan Pakatan Rakyat
32. Pakatan Rakyat tidak mengambil pendekatan pengurangan subsidi sebagai langkah utama untuk mengurangkan defisit negara. Sebaliknya, Belanjawan Pakatan Rakyat 2014 mencadangkan pengurangan perbelanjaan pengurusan negara sebanyak 10% bagi setiap kementerian dan agensi kerajaan sebagai langkah utama yang akan dicapai menerusi; a. Penangguhan kenaikan gaji dan merasionalkan elaun pegawai atasan kerajaan dan menteri kabinet b. Pengkajian semula polisi perbelanjaan kerajaan terutama sekali dalam pemberian kontrak dan prokumen peralatan c. Pengutamaan perbelanjaan di mana perbelanjaan yang dianggap kurang berfaedah seperti Program Khidmat Negara yang menelan belanja RM 800 juta setahun ditangguhkan ataupun diberhentikan serta-merta sehingga kajian dibuat d. Penangguhan projek-projek yang mempunyai kandungan import yang tinggi dan kesan pengganda yang rendah
33. Belanjawan Pakatan Rakyat juga akan menjalankan siasatan dan mengambil tindakan tegas ke atas kes-kes ketirisan dan penyelewengan yang dilaporkan di dalam Laporan Ketua Audit Negara 2012 bagi mengurangkan ketirisan di dalam perbelanjaan Negara sekiranya berkuasa.
34. Sebagai contoh penjimatan, sebanyak RM 1.1 billion boleh dijimatkan di dalam Pengurusan Projek Mansuh oleh Jabatan Kerja Raya, RM 1.6 billion dalam projek penyediaan sistem kawalan keselamatan di sekolah/institusi pendidikan dan termasuk perbelanjaan hari belia selama seminggu yang menelan belanja RM 67.6 juta dan bukan hanya bayaran k-pop sebanyak RM 1.6 juta.
35. Belanjawan Pakatan Rakyat 2014 juga mencadangkan penubuhan sebuah Defence Accounts Committee Dwipartisan yang dianggotai oleh wakil kerajaan, pembangkang dan pakar pertahanan awam yang akan memantau kesemua perbelanjaan pertahanan yang tidak diklasifikasi sulit. Penjimatan sebanyak RM 3.5 billion boleh dicapai menerusi inisiatif ini. Tiada langsung inisiatif untuk memperbaiki dan mengkaji semula polisi pemerolehan pertahanan negara yang diselimuti pelbagai kontroversi di dalam Bajet 2014.
Pemberian BR1M tidak cukup untuk mengimbangi pengurangan subsidi
36. Menurut Laporan Ekonomi 2013/2014 (mukasurat 36), jumlah penerima BR1M (dan berpendapatan kurang RM 3,000 sebulan) adalah 4.8 juta isirumah yang layak, manakala angka Jabatan Perangkaan Negara adalah pada 2.65 juta isirumah. Sekiranya jumlah sebenar isirumah yang layak adalah benar lebih rendah, adakah ini satu lagi bentuk kebocoran yang bakal direstui kerajaan BN? Sekiranya juga angka kerajaan yang lebih tinggi adalah benar, maka tidakkah ini juga bermakna golongan berpendapatan rendah di Malaysia semakin bertambah?
37. Sejumlah RM 7.29 billion subsidi dikurangkan untuk 2014 (RM 39,408 billion) berbanding 2013 (RM 46.698 billion). Pada 2013, bayaran untuk BR1M berjumlah RM 2.9 billion. Untuk 2014, penambahan bayaran BR1M dianggarkan bertambah sebanyak RM 1.7 billion. Dengan ini, potongan subsidi sebanyak RM 7.29 billion jauh melebihi kenaikan bayaran BR1M untuk 2014. Kesimpulannya, perbezaan sebanyak RM 5.6 billion yang di kutip oleh kerajaan ini masih akan dibiayai oleh penerima-penerima BR1M kerana pengurangan subsidi, walaupun BR1M ditambah.
38. Perlu dimaklumkan juga di Dewan yang Mulia ini bahawa kerajaan masih belum menunaikan janji-janjinya yang berkait dengan BR1M pada PRU-13 yang lalu. Kerajaan menjanjikan kenaikan BR1M untuk setiap isirumah dari RM500 kepada RM1200. Hingga kini hanya RM 650 diberi. Begitu juga bantuan BR1M kepada warga bujang yang dijanjikan untuk dinaikkan dari RM 250 kepada RM 600. Setakat ini hanya RM 300 diberi. Inilah kerjaan BN dengan slogan kosongnya: "janji ditepati"
Pengurangan perbelanjaan pembangunan kepada rakyat luar bandar, belia dan rakyat terbanyak, Sabah dan Sarawak
39. Bajet BN 2014 juga telah menyatakan pengurangan perbelanjaan pembangunan yang agak tinggi kepada kementerian dan agensi kerajaan yang berperanan untuk membantu golongan berpendapatan rendah luar bandar.
40. Di antara yang boleh kami ketengahkan adalah: a. Pengurangan peruntukan untuk pembangunan perkhidmatan kesihatan luar bandar sebanyak -RM 130 juta b. Pengurangan peruntukan pembangunan luar bandar, termasuk Institut Kemahiran Mara (- RM 50 juta), Bekalan Elektrik luar bandar (-RM 47 juta), bekalan air luar bandar (-RM 136 juta), Jabatan Kemajuan Orang Asli (-RM 24 juta). c. Pengurangan peruntukan pembangunan jalan-jalan dan jambatan oleh Kementerian Kerja Raya di Sabah & Sarawak (-RM 158 juta).
41. Ini berbeda dengan Belanjawan 2014 Pakatan Rakyat yang juga akan menyegerakan pembinaan dan menaiktaraf lebuhraya Pan-Borneo untuk menghubungkan semua bandar di Sabah dan Sarawak. Pakatan Rakyat juga akan menyelesaikan isu-isu tanah Orang Asal secepat mungkin dengan menyegerakan pengeluaran geran-geran tanah agar Orang Asal dapat memiliki tanah untuk menjana pendapatan. Pakatan Rakyat juga akan mengkaji semula polisi Kabotaj untuk Sabah dan Sarawak untuk mengurangkan harga barangan di sana
42. Sebaliknya, jumlah peruntukan perbelanjaan untuk pengurusan Jabatan Perdana Menteri naik sebanyak RM 1.5 billion untuk 2014 berbanding 2013
43. Jelas bahawa pembangunan golongan berpendapatan rendah terus dipinggirkan tetapi pembayaran yang tinggi untuk khidmat jururunding-jururunding yang mahal di Jabatan Perdana Menteri terus dikekalkan dan ditambah
Duplikasi agensi sedia ada bakal merugikan negara
44. Beberapa agensi baru akan ditubuhkan yang bakal mempunyai matlamat yang sama seperti agensi yagn sudah sedia ada. Ini akan menyebabkan duplikasi dan pembaziran. Antara contoh adalah: a. The Malaysian Green Foundation dengan geran pelancaran sebanyak RM15 juta apabila Green Technology Corporation Malaysia sudah diwujudkan b. Skim Permulaan Entreprenor Melayu Bumiputera (SUPERB) dengan peruntukan permulaan sebanyak RM30 juta apabila kita sudah mempunyai TERAJU dengan geran mudah cara sekurang-kurangnya RM 412 juta c. Penubuhan Pusat Inovasi dan Kreatif Global Malaysia (MaGIC) dengan peruntukan sebanyak RM50 juta apabila kita sudah mempunyai Agensi Inovasi Malaysia dan Yayasan Inovasi Malaysia. d. Apakah motif penubuhan New Entrepreneurs Foundation (MyNEF) dan SME Corp dimana kedua-duanya mempunyai objektif yang sama?
45. Pakatan Rakyat juga mencadangkan agar 1MDB digabungkan bersama Khazanah Nasional Berhad memandangkan keduanya mempunyai objektif dan fungsi yang sama. Penggabungan ini boleh menjimatkan perbelanjaan pengurusan yang bernilai berjuta ringgit dan ia juga penting bagi menjana keyakinan para pelabur dan penganalisa luar terhadap 1MDB yang kini dianggap tidak telus, penuh kerahsiaan dan diselubungi pelbagai kontroversi, terutama sekali dalam isu siapakah yang mendapat habuan keuntungan terbesar dalam penerbitan bon bernilai USD 3 billion melalui Goldman Sachs yang bertaraf 'sovereign' pada bulan April 2013.
GST
Malaysia tersendiri dan rakyat bakal kesempitan
46. Walaupun GST pada dasarnya diandaikan boleh menjadi mekanisma penjana hasil yang berkesan dengan pengenaan cukai kepada kesemua rakyat serta mengekang 'ekonomi gelap' dan pengelakkan cukai yang berleluasa, Pakatan Rakyat berpendirian bahawa:
47. GST merupakan cukai regresif di mana golongan berpendapatan rendah dan tinggi akan membayar GST. Walaubagaimanapun, golongan berpendapatan rendah dan menengah akan kehilangan peratusan pendapatan yang lebih tinggi untuk membayar GST berbanding golognan berpendapatan tinggi. United Nations Conference on Trade and Development UNCTAD, di dalam laporannya "Trade and Development Report 2012: Policies for Inclusive and Balanced Growth" telah menyatakan bahawa Value-Added Tax (VAT) atau Goods and Services Tax (GST) adalah bersifat regresif; "The lower share of the income tax yield and the higher share of VAT(or GST) in total tax revenues indicate that the tax system overall is more regressive in developing and transition economies than in developed countries";
48. Kemungkinan penyalangunaan kuasa oleh kerajaan persekutuan sebagai jalan mudah untuk meningkatkan hasil secara cepat kerana GST selalunya berada pada kadar yang lebih rendah berbanding tahap cukai pendapatan;
49. GST boleh menjadi punca utama kenaikan inflasi. CIMB Research meramalkan bahawa perlaksanaan GST pada mana penyelewengan berleluasa dan penguatkuasaan yang lemah (kerana ketiadaan Akta Anti-Pencatutan, Akta Persaingan, sistem laporan) akan membolehkan pertambahan inflasi kepada tahap 5% lebih tinggi dari tahap sekarang;
50. Menurut satu kajian oleh Wee Chong Hui (Wee Chong Hui, 2006, Fiscal Policy and Inequality in Malaysia, Universiti Malaya Press, Kuala Lumpur) GST oleh menyumbang kepada pelebaran jurang pendapatan isirumah (income inequality) yang merupakan antara masalah utama di Malaysia
51. GST juga mampu membantutkan pertumbuhan ekonomi dan merangsang pertumbuhan sector 'ekonomi gelap' terutama sekali dalam negara-negara membangun. Joseph Stiglitz dalam kertas pembentangannya berjudul "Development Oriented Tax Policy" mengatakan: "Economists have long recognized that any market taxation encourages non-market production, and that this can constitute a significant distortion. …Similar issues arise in developing countries, except is not only labor within the household which escapes taxation, but work in the informal sector, which typically cannot easily be monitored, or monitored at all. Accordingly, a VAT or GST shifts resources away from the formal sector into the informal sector, lowering GDP"
52. Keperluan Malaysia untuk melaksanakan GST berbeda dengan negara-negara lain dan tidak boleh dibandingkan secara terus
53. Sebagai contoh, GST dilaksanakan di Singapura kerana perlunya kerajaan menambah pendapatan akibat bilangan cukai pendapatan rakyatnya yang terhad. Kadar kenaikan pendapatan lebih tinggi dari kenaikan kadar cukai. Sebelum perlaksanaannya, Singapura sudahpun mempunyai sistem percukaian yang sistematik dan GST dimulakan dengan kadar yang lebih rendah, iaitu 3%, dan dikekalkan selama 7 tahun berikutnya
54. Menyenaraikan negara-negara seperti Rwanda, Zimbabwe dan Cambodia untuk menjustifikasikan pelaksanaan GST di Malaysia adalah tidak sesuai sama sekali memandangkan negara-negara tersebut tidak mempunyai sistem kutipan cukai pendapatan yang baik ditambah juga dengan keberhasilan yang sedikit. Jadi, negara-negara ini patut melaksanakan GST untuk menjamin pendapatan berterusan
55. Komuniti perniagaan seluruhnya menjangkakan penambahan kos sebanyak RM 2 bilion untuk penyediaan sistem dan pematuhan perundangan (compliance)
56. Pelaksanaan SST pada 2013telah membawa masuk RM 16.4 bilion ke dalam kantung negara, manakala, pelaksanaan GST pada kadar 6% dijangka akan membawa pulangan tambahan sebanyak RM 12 billion kepada negara menurut kajian CIMB Research. RM 12 billion tambahan melalui melalui GST ini sudah semestinya dibiyai oleh kesemua rakyat.
57. GST dijangkakan akan memberikan lebih kesan negatif kepada golongan penerima BR1M yang berpendapatan kurang dari RM 3,000 sebulan. Dengan terlaksananya GST, bantuan BR1M yang diberikan untuk membantu golongan ini berbelanja bagi tujuan memacu ekonomi melalui permintaan domestik akan terkesan. Pengurangan permintaan domestik dikala permintaan luar berkurangan boleh membawa negara ke dalam kemelut kemelesetan ekonomi
58. Lazimnya, kerajaan yang melaksanakan GST akan menaikkan kadar GST di masa hadapan kerana cukai ini adalah antara yang paling mudah dikenakan. Perlaksanaan GST akan merangsangkan kerajaan yang boros ini untuk menaikkan kadar GST tatkala kesempitan
59. Oleh itu kami berpendirian bahawa GST masih belum boleh dilaksanakan dan perlu terus dikaji sehingga pendapatan rakyat berada pada suatu tahap yang memuaskan, kutipan cukai pendapatan diperbaiki seluruhnya dan sehingga kedudukan ekonomi negara berada pada tahap yang lebih memberangsangkan
60. Kerajaan BN tidak mempunyai legitmasi moral untuk mengenakan GST kepada kesemua rakyat selagi mereka tidak memperbaiki perbelanjaan mereka dan mengurangkan kebocoran dan penyelewengan.
Penutup
61. Seperti yang saya sebutkan pada awal bicara, Bajet Barisan Nasional 2014 hanyalah satu pengulangan dan pengekalan sikap boros berbelanja Barisan Nasional yang hanya mementingkan dan menguntungkan segolongan kecil rakyat disebalik penambahan derita ekonomi dan bebanan kewangan rakyat terbanyak
62. Sesungguhnya inilah kerajaan yang tidak "menepati janji ("Janji ditepati") dan yang mendahulukan rakyat ("Rakyat Didahulukan) dan bukan dirinya sendiri terutama sekali dalam menyelesaikan permasalahan defisit negara yang telah kekal lama semenjak PRU-12 yang lalu
Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim Ketua Pembangkang Parlimen Malaysia Ketua Umum Parti Keadilan Rakyat
KUALA LUMPUR 28 OKT : Pakatan Rakyat (PR) akan turun ke setiap negeri bagi membantah pelaksanaan cukai barangan dan perkhidmatan (GST) yang dibentang dalam Belanjawan Negara 2014, pada 25 Oktober lalu.
Ketua Pembangkang, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, berkata bantahan itu akan dilakukan kerana kerajaan pusat tidak harus melaksanakan GST dalam masa terdekat.
Katanya, rakyat tidak harus dibebankan dengan GST dengan tujuan 'membayar' hutang negara yang meningkat setiap tahun dan beliau turut menjangkakan kadar GST akan meningkat kepada lapan peratus, menjelang 2016.
"Ini jenayah dan kamu biarkan ketirisan, rasuah yang perlu ditanggung rakyat. Jadi kami (PR) akan lawan habis-habisan. Bantahan ini juga dilakukan supaya generasi akan datang tidak perlu menanggung hutang negara.
"Saya mahu anak muda bangkit lawan pelaksanaan ini kerana GST adalah satu beban yang terpaksa ditanggung rakyat. GST boleh dilaksanakan jika dilakukan secara telus, namun tidak dalam tempoh terdekat keranaa jenayah rasuah, boros dan ketirisan berleluasa di negara ini.
"Pakatan berpendirian bahawa GST masih belum boleh dilaksanakan dan perlu dikaji sehingga pendapatan rakyat berada pada tahap memuaskan, kutipan cukai pendapatan diperbaiki seluruhnya dan sehingga kedudukan ekonomi lebih memberangsangkan," katanya dalam perbahasan belanjawan 2014, di Parlimen, hari ini.
KUALA LUMPUR 28 OKT : Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Razak dan Timbalannya,Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin perlu menanggung sendiri bil elektrik dan air di kediaman rasmi mereka dengan pelaksanaan cukai barangan dan perkhidmatan (GST).
Ahli Parlimen Seremban, Anthony Loke, berkata cadangan itu berikutan peningkatan bil elektrik di kediaman rasmi dua pemimpin berkenaan iaitu sebanyak RM8500 sehari, berbanding RM6000, dua tahun lalu.
Katanya, jumlah itu menjadikan perbelanjaan bil elektrik di Kompleks Seri Perdana lebih RM2.2 juta, manakala lebih RM300,000 dibelanjakan untuk bil air, pada tahun lalu.
Bagi Kompleks Sri Satria pula lebih RM865,000 dibelanjakan untuk bil elektrik, mankala perbelanjaan bil air sebanyak RM99,264.
"Najib minta rakyat supaya berjimat cermat tetapi ketika ini, beliau dan timbalannya yang boros mengurus perbelanjaan kos elektrik dan air di kediaman rasmi mereka," katanya dalam sidang media di Parlimen, hari ini.
Sehubungan itu, Anthony berkata, Najib dan Muhyiddin perlu menunjukkan contoh yang baik dalam menguruskan kos terbabit supaya tidak membebankan rakyat.
Beliau turut memberikan contoh pembaziran yang berlaku apabila Kompleks Seri Perdana dibina di atas tanah seluaslebih 17.19 hektar, berbanding White House dibina seluas kira-kira 7.29 hektar bersamaan Kompleks Seri Satria.
KUALA LUMPUR 28 OKT : Ketua Pembangkang, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim mempersoalkan tindakan Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Razak yang sengaja menyembunyikan kenaikan harga minyak masak dan memilih untuk mengumumkan secara terbuka pemotongan subsidi gula.
Beliau turut mempersoalkan tindakan berkenaan ketika pengeluaran minyak sawit sedang melonjak dan rakyat masih dikejutkan dengan kenaikan harga gula.
Anwar berkata, pihaknya tertanya punca Najib 'segan' untuk mengumumkan kenaikan harga minyak masak yang bakal dihadapi akibat pengurangan subsidi yang bernilai RM505 juta yang sama dengan penghapusan subsidi gula dalam ucapan Belanjawan Negara 2014, pada 25 Oktober lalu.
"Kenapa kerajaan pilih untuk mengurangkan subsidi dan menyembunyikan kesan pengurangan subsidi minyak masak. Dalam situasi semasa, yang mana pengeluaran minyak mentah kelapa sawit dunia berada pada tahapp yang tertinggi," kata Anwar dalam ucapan perbahasan Belanjawan 2014, di Parlimen, di sini, hari ini.
Anwar turut mempersoalkan tindakan kerajaan pusat yang tidak memilih inisiatif untuk memperuntukkan subsidi minyak kelapa sawit (CPO) kepada setiap isi rumah.
"Sebagai contoh, Indonesia memperuntukkan CPO sebanyak dua liter kepada setiap isi rumah, selain subsidi biofuel. Kenapa Malaysia tiada inisiatif itu sedangkan harga minyak masak akan dinaikkan," katanya.
Anwar yang juga Ahli Parlimen Permatang Pauh, berkata kesan penghapusan subsidi gula sebanyak 34 sen akan menyebabkan keuntungan dua syarikat gula iaitu Malaysian Sugar Manufacturing dan Central Sugar kepada 20 hingga 25 peratus iaitu sebanyak RM1 bilion setahun, akibat pengukuhan monopoli syarikat itu.
Katanya, tindakan pengurangan subsidi itu menjadikan syarikat korporat mendapat keuntungan berganda tetapi rakyat dibebankan dengan kenaikan harga gula.
"Keuntungan syarikat itu sebelum cukai adalah sekitar sembilan peratus dengan pendapatan kasar industri itu sekitar RM4 bilion dan dengan penghapusan itu, ia akan melonjak naik 20 hingga 25 peratus. Jelas sekali yang rugi dan terus dibebani adalah rakyat dan Sebaliknya syarikat korporat besar dibelai dan dilindungi kerajaan," katanya.
KUALA LUMPUR 28 OKT : Pemberian Bantuan Rakyat 1 Malaysia (BR1M) masih tidak mencukupi untuk mengimbangi pengurangan subsidi seperti yang dibentangkan Kerajaan Pusat, pada 25 Oktober lalu.
Ketua Pembangkang, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, berkata dengan potongan subsidi RM7.29 bilion, ia jauh melebihi kenaikan bayaran BR1M untuk 2014.
Katanya, secara kesimpulannya perbezaan sebanyak RM5.6 bilion yang dikutip kerajaan masih kekal dibiayai penerima BR1M kerana pengurangan subsidi, walaupun jumlah bantuan itu ditambah.
"Jumlah penerima BR1M yang berpendapatan kurang RM3,000 sebulan adalah 4.8 juta isi rumah, manakala angka Jabatan Perangkaan Negara adalah pada 2.56 juta isi rumah.
"Sekiranya jumlah sebenar isi rumah yang layak adalah benar lebih rendah, adakah ini satu lagi bentuk kebocoran yang bakal direstui Barisan Nasional (BN)," soalnya dalam sesi perbahasan, di Parlimen, di sini hari ini.
Sejumlah RM7.29 bilion subsidi dikurangkan untuk 2014 menjadikan jumlah sebenar RM39,408 bilion berbanding 2013 iaitu RM46.698 bilion dan penambahan bayaran BR1M dianggarkan bertambah RM1.7 bilion.
Anwar turut mempersoal tindakan kerajaan pusat yang masih belum menunaikan janji berhubung pemberian BR1M pada Pilihan Raya Umum ke-13 lalu.
"Kerajaan menjanjikan kenaikan BR1M untuk setiap isi rumah daripada RM500 kepada RM1200, tetapi hingga kini hanya RM650 diberi. Begitu juga dengan bantuan BR1M kepada warga bujang yang dijanjikan bakal diberi kenaikan daripada RM250 kepada RM600 dan setakat ini hanya RM300 diberi, inilah Barisan Nasional (BN) 'janji ditepati'," katanya.
Dalam pada itu, Anwar menyifatkan perbahasan belanjawan 2014 yang dibahasnya hari ini sebagai 'bercakap dengan orang pekak' kerana tidak dihadiri Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak yang juga Menteri Kewangan.
"Bila beliau (Najib) bentang belanjawan, saya hadir, saya dengar walaupun telinga ini sakit, tetapi bila sesi perbahasan belanjawan, beliau tidak hadir. Menteri Kewangan tiada, serupa saya bercakap dengan orang pekak dan inilah demokrasi yang diamalkan BN," katanya.
Saya serta bagi pihak kakitangan Pusat Khidmat ADUN Seri Andalas serta keluarga mengucapkan Selamat Menyambut Deepavali kepada masyarakat yang beragama Hindu yang akan meraikan sambutan ini.
Seperti yang kita sedia maklum Deepavali adalah merupakan perayaan meraikan kemenangan kebaikan mengatasi kejahatan yang membawa sinar harapan untuk masa depan yang lebih baik. Marilah kita meraikan perayaan ini dengan penuh kesyukuran serta harapan untuk terus melakukan kebaikan serta menuju kecemerlangan.
Raikanlah bersama keluarga tersayang dan sahabat handai. Teruskan amalan kunjung-mengunjungi dan pandulah secara berhemah ketika membuat perjalanan.
Sambutan Deepavali Peringkat Negeri Selangor akan diadakan di Jalan Tengku Kelana, Klang pada 31 Oktober 2013 (Khamis) bermula jam 5 petang dan Majlis Rumah Terbuka Deepavali DUN Seri Andalas pula akan diadakan pada 9 November 2013 (Sabtu) bermula jam 7 malam di Jalan Nagasari, Desa Latania, Batu 3 1/2 Kampung Jawa. Datanglah beramai-ramai untuk meraikannya bersama-sama.
Sekali lagi saya dan para kakitangan Pusat Khidmat ADUN Seri Andalas serta keluarga mengucapkan Selamat Menyambut Deepavali. YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar
Seramai tiga puluh wanita yang kebanyakannya terdiri daripada ibu-ibu tunggal dengan anak-anak yang masih kecil telah menerima sumbangan RM100 serta goody bag daripada PEKAWANIS di Pejabat Khidmat Masyarakat ADUN Seri Andalas pada 26 Oktober 2013 yang lalu.
YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar telah menyampaikan goody bag dan memberi kata-kata nasihat kepada para penerima sumbangan. Dalam program ringkas tersebut ada penerima yang membangkitkan masalah-masalah kesihatan yang dihidapi dan YB Dr Xavier telah maklum dengan perkara tersebut.
PEKAWANIS adalah persatuan bagi isteri-isteri ADUN dan ahli Parlimen serta ADUN dan Ahli Parlimen wanita yang berminat menyertainya. Matlamat utama PEKAWANIS adalah kebajikan dan persatuan ini juga menguruskan rumah kebajikan di Shah Alam untuk perempuan-perempuan muda yang menghadapi masalah. PEKAWANIS juga menguruskan pusat dialisis di Klang.
Untuk setiap kali perayaan, sebanyak RM3,000 diagihkan kepada wanita / keluarga miskin di kawasan mereka.
Pada 26 Oktober 2013, YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar telah hadir merasmikan Forum Pemilik Haiwan Yang Bertanggungjawab Sempena Hari Haiwan Sedunia 2013 yang telah diadakan di Dewan Ilmu Perpustakaan Komuniti Majlis Bandaraya Petaling Jaya yang bermula jam 9 pagi.
Hadir dalam forum tersebut adalah Puan Dr Chitradavi, Pengarah Jabatan Kesihatan Persekitaran MBPJ, Puan Dr Hajah Hayati Abdullah, Pengarah Jabatan Kesihatan dan Alam Sekitar DBKL serta Ahli-ahli Majlis MBPJ.
Ini adalah tahun keempat sejak tahun 2009 sambutan Hari Haiwan Sedunia telah diadakan di MBPJ. Tema pada tahun ini adalah "Responsible Pet Ownership" bertujuan mewujudkan tahap kesedaran kepada pemilik haiwan dan rasa tanggungjawab terhadap haiwan yang dipelihara.
Dalam majlis yang diadakan, sijil telah diberikan kepada para pemilik haiwan yang bertanggungjawab kemudian diikuti dengan pembentangan kertas kerja dan sesi soal jawab bersama ahli-ahli panel.
Atas sikap prihatin dan tanggungjawab, MBPJ telah menubuhkan Canine Advisory Team (CAT) di negeri Selangor dan juga merupakan PBT pertama di Malaysia yang mengadakan sambutan Hari Haiwan Sedunia pada setiap tahun.
MBPJ turut menguatkuasakan undang-undang kecil perlesenan anjing dan rumah pembiakan anjing bagi memastikan pihak yang tidak bertanggungjawab tidak melakukan perbuatan kejam terhadap binatang ini. Penalti sebanyak RM2,000 akan dikenakan atau penjara tidak melebihi 1 tahun atau kedua-duanya sekali sekiranya terdapat mana-mana pihak yang melanggar undang-undang kecil ini.
SHAH ALAM,27 OKT : Pengurangan subsidi dan mengenakan Cukai Barangan dan Perkhidmatan (GST) bukan penyelesai kepada masalah ekonomi negara yang berpunca daripada sikap boros kerajaan Umno-BN berbelanja.
Ketua Penerangan PAS, Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man, berkata perlaksanaan GST hanya boleh dilakukan apabila kerajaan Umno-BN mula bertanggungjawab untuk mengurangkan pengurusan operasinya dan bukannya ianya terus berboros dengan duit rakyat.
Katanya, rakyat tidak diberikan tempoh untuk menyesuaikan diri dengan GST apabila ia diumumkan pada kadar yang sebegitu tinggi pada 6 peratus bermula 1 April 2015.
"Dengan GST, mereka yang tidak mempunyai kereta dan tidak mempunyai pekerjaan tetap sehingga tidak layak membayar cukai pun dikenakan cukai atas setiap pembelian," katanya dalam satu kenyataan.
Tuan Ibrahim berkata, di Singapura, kadar GST diperkenalkan pada kadar 3 peratus sebelum beransur menjadi 7 peratus.
"Ada yang berkata masyarakat kampung tidak akan merasai beban daripada GST. Ingin diingatkan bahawa kebanyakan barangan yang dijual di kedai-kedai runcit di kampung datangnya juga daripada para pembekal di bandar.
"Barangan itu sudahpun dikenakan GST ketika tiba di kedai runcit. Walaupun kedai runcit yang kecil itu dikecualikan daripada GST kerana tidak melepasi had minima perolehan tertentu, barangan yang dijual kepada masyarakat kampung sudah tentunya pada harga yang lebih tinggi kerana sudah dikenakan GST oleh pembekal," katanya.
Ahli Parlimen Petaling Jaya Utara, Tony Pua berkata, tindakan kerajaan mengenakan GST tidak mampu menyembunyikan kegagalan mereka mengawal perbelanjaan berlebihan dengan defisit terus kekal.
Lebihan dalam kutipan cukai yang dinyatakan dalam Laporan Ekonomi 2013/14 sepatutnya membantu mengurangkan defisit kronik itu kepada 2.6 peratus tetapi sebaliknya kekal tidak berubah pada unjuran empat peratus.
"Walaupun kerajaan mengumpul jauh lebih tinggi daripada hasil yang dijangkakan, defisit untuk 2013 kekal pada RM39.3 bilion.
"Ini bermakna hampir setiap sen pendapatan tambahan yang dikutip kerajaan terus segera dibelanjakan, bukannya menyumbang ke arah mengurangkan hutang," katanya.
SHAH ALAM, 27 OKT : Pelaksanaan GST hanya akan meningkatkan harga barangan dan beban cukai yang perlu ditanggung pengguna walaupun selepas pemansuhan Cukai Jualan dan Cukai Perkhidmatan (SST).
Ahli Parlimen Serdang, Dr Ong Kian Ming berkata, Kerajaan Umno-BN mengelirukan rakyat dengan memberi gambaran bahawa kebanyakan harga barangan dan cukai yang dibayar oleh pengguna akan dikurangkan selepas pengenalan GST.
"Yang benar adalah bahawa perkara yang dikenakan cukai di bawah SST adalah jauh kurang daripada apa yang dikenakan cukai di bawah GST," kata beliau dalam satu kenyataan.
Kian Ming berkata, antara perkara yang didakwa tidak di bawah cukai jualan tetapi akan di bawah GST termasuk banyak barangan bukan mewah seperti susu, kopi, teh, air mineral , buah-buahan dalam tin , surat khabar , alat tulis, beg sekolah, dan kotak .
Katanya, penggunaan elektrik di atas 200kWh (mana-mana amaun yang melebihi RM50) juga akan dikenakan GST. Harga barang-barang ini pasti akan meningkat selepas GST kerana penghapusan SST mempunyai kesan ke atas harga.
Pada masa ini cukai jualan adalah terhad kepada restoran-restoran tertentu dan perkhidmatan profesional yang diberikan oleh akauntan , arkitek, perkhidmatan kenderaan motor dan pusat-pusat pembaikan, perkhidmatan telekomunikasi , perkhidmatan keselamatan , ejen hartanah, operator perkhidmatan letak kereta ruang dan firma perkhidmatan .
"Liputan yang lebih luas di bawah GST bermakna lebih perkhidmatan akan dikenakan GST berbanding dengan cukai perkhidmatan semasa. Ini bermakna bahawa lebih banyak perkhidmatan hargaya akan meningkat.
"Yang benar adalah bahawa GST akan menaikkan harga majoriti barangan dan perkhidmatan walaupun selepas penyingkiran GST dengan beban kewangan rakyat akan meningkat," katanya.
Pelaksanaan Cukai Barangan dan Perkhidmatan (GST) seperti yang diumumkan Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak dalam ucapan belanjawannya di Parlimen adalah satu tamparan hebat kepada golongan miskin dan berpendapatan rendah.
Malah, bermula pada kadar 6%, adalah sangat melampau. Perbandingan pelaksanaan GST yang dilaksanakan di Singapura pada kadar 7% sekarang ini juga adalah cubaan mengelirukan rakyat kerana ia mula diperkenalkan pada tahun 1994 dengan kadar hanya 3%, sejak 13 tahun yang lalu.
Dalam apa keadaan pun, membuat perbandingan dengan negara seperti Singapura dan negara-negara Eropah adalah sia – sia disebabkan tahap urus tadbir yang baik jauh lebih tinggi di negara – negara tersebut.
Bagi rakyat Malaysia, kos sara hidup sudah cukup membebankan tanpa GST. Dengan adanya cukai ini, beban yang lebih berat akan menimpa golongan miskin memandangkan mereka hampir tidak ada pilihan lain selain membelanjakan juga sebahagian besar daripada pendapatan boleh guna (disposable income) yang ada.
Hujah Najib bahawa GST akan menyebabkan kos barangan dan perkhidmatan semakin berkurang adalah bohong dan sekali lagi cuba mengelirukan rakyat.
Majoriti rakyat tidak akan dapat memanfaatkan GST dengan penjimatan ataupun pelaburan seperti golongan kaya dan berpendapatan tinggi. Ini akan mewujudkan jurang yang lebih nyata dan menyebabkan ketidakadilan sosial yang lebih berpanjangan.
Jika belanjawan tahun lalu adalah belanjawan rakyat disebabkan pilihanraya bulan Mei lalu, maka yang ini merupakan belanjawan orang kaya kerana kerajaan UMNO dan Barisan Nasional merasakan ia sudah tidak lagi terhutang budi kepada rakyat.
Mereka lewatkan GST kerana mereka tahu rakyat akan membantah dan kini selepas pilihan raya mereka melaksanakannya. Maka Belanjawan 2014 ini hanya akan melebarkan kesenjangan ekonomi rakyat. Jurang kaya – miskin, gini – coefficient rakyat akan terus meluas.
Selain itu, saya meramalkan tekanan inflasi yang bakal menimbun serta kos sara hidup yang kian meningkat.
Dorongan untuk memacu sektor pelancongan, dengan membina lebih banyak hotel bertaraf lima bintang dan bersaing dengan dunia untuk memiliki bandar terhebat tidak memberi kelebihan dan kemakmuran kepada rakyat.
Di mana usaha Kerajaan untuk merendahkan kos pengangkutan atau memperbaiki pengangkutan awam ? Tidak ada disebut tentang perumahan mampu milik. Malah program kesihatan rakyat terus diabaikan.
Meskipun peruntukan yang diumumkan amat substansial, namun yang masih menjadi permasalahan adalah pengagihan dan penggunaan dana tersebut. Perbelanjaan negara tahun lalu tentang latihan Bahasa Inggeris sahaja sudah cukup menjadi contoh bagaimana pembaziran berlaku.
Dana keusahawanan melalui pinjaman mudah bagi mengurangkan pengangguran di kalangan graduan hanya akan menjurus kepada nilai hutang yang semakin memuncak.
Apa yang diperlukan oleh graduan – graduan ini adalah kemahiran 'soft skill' dan lebih banyak latihan kemahiran dan teknikal untuk meningkatkan kebolehan mereka diambil bekerja, bukan hutang yang lebih banyak.
Cadangan untuk memberi dana kepada pelajar lepasan SPM untuk latihan kemahiran adalah baik dari segi prinsip, akan tetapi yang lebih signifikan adalah soal pelaksanaan serta pengkhususan di lapangan.
Kita semua setuju bahawa defisit belanjawan mesti dikurangkan, tetapi memeras lebih banyak wang daripada rakyat bukanlah caranya.
Masalah asas adalah soal ketirisan, pembaziran dan rasuah. Dengan menangani masalah ini secara tidak komprehensif, kita tidak akan mampu untuk menyelesaikan masalah yang tidak akan berkesudahan. Masalah ini tidak mampu diselesaikan dengan hanya mengutip cukai sebanyaknya.
BESTARI JAYA 26 OKT : Kerajaan Negeri memperuntukkan RM20 juta bagi tujuan penambahbaikan asrama Universiti Selangor (Unisel) dan dijangka siap selewat-lewatnya pada bulan Jun tahun hadapan.
Menteri Besar, Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim berkata, Kerajaan Negeri komited membaikpulih bangunan asrama yang tidak boleh digunakan lagi itu bagi tujuan kemudahan infrastruktur pelajar institusi pengajian tinggi berkenaan.
"Blok bangunan itu sudah tidak boleh pakai dan kita akan adakan program penambahbaikan 'Repairs and Maintenance' dan peruntukan diberikan kepada pihak universiti untuk bergerak pada pembaikan," katanya.
Abdul Khalid berkata demikian dalam sidang media selepas Istiadat Konvokesyen Unisel Ke Lapan di Dewan Canselor, Kampus Bestari Jaya di sini.
Turut hadir, Exco Pendidikan, Pendidikan Tinggi dan Modal Insan, Dr Halimah Ali serta Naib Canselor Unisel, Prof Dr Anuar Ahmad.
Seramai 2,003 graduan bakal memperolehi ijazah masing-masing termasuk tujuh orang menerima ijazah kedoktoran falsafah dan profesional.
Manakala 34 orang menerima ijazah sarjana dan 1,024 orang menerima ijazah sarjana muda dan 937 orang menerima diploma.
Sementara itu, Abdul Khalid di dalam ucapannya berkata masyarakat diharap tidak beranggapan bahawa graduan Unisel sebagai 'graduan pasang siap' iaitu kemampuannya terbatas.
"Saya mahu dan bahkan seluruh rakyat Selangor mahu, bahawa Unisel ini sebenarnya sentiasa mengeluarkan graduan yang mempunyai pelbagai kemahiran berfikir, budiman, pencinta ilmu dan berperibadi mulia.
"Kesepaduan jasmani, emosi, rohani dan intelek adalah kriteria penting untuk menjadi graduan cemerlang," ujarnya.
Abdul Khalid berkata, Unisel sehingga kini mampu mengekalkan status sebagai antara graduan yang tertinggi memperolehi pekerjaan dalam tempoh enam bulan selepas menamatkan pengajian.
"Hal ini dilaporkan dalam media massa dan Kementerian Pendidikan 2012, saya percaya para graduan sedia maklum mengenai pencapaian dan kejayaan universiti ini serta pelbagai pengiktirafan yang diterima, sama ada dalam mahupun luar negara," katanya lagi.
SHAH ALAM 25 OKT : Ekonomi Selangor dijangka terus berkembang melalui tujuh projek pembangunan membabitkan tanah seluas 3,771.81 hektar dengan nilai perbangunan kasar dianggarkan berjumlah RM38.22 bilion.
Tujuh projek pembangunan itu sudah diluluskan Majlis Perancangan Fizikal Negara membabitkan tanah milik kerajaan dan swasta yang dipengerusikan Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Razak dalam satu mesyuarat, pada 17 Oktober lalu.
Projek pembangunan yang dirancang itu membabitkan pembangunan bercampur di Bandar Bukit Raja, Kapar (Sime Darby), pembangunan bercampur di Rawang (Kundang Properties), resort golf 18-lubang di Batang Kali (Mines Gold & City Sdn Bhd) dan pembangunan bercampur di Beranang, Hulu Selangor (Riverside Hills Sdn Bhd).
Selain itu, antara projek lain adalah projek perumahan dan komersil di Dengkil, Sepang (Tristar Acres Sdn Bhd), projek perumahan di Semenyih, Hulu Langat (UEM Land Berhad) dan pembangunan semula kawasan Institut Penyelidikan Getah Malaysia di Sungai Buloh (Kwasa Ldn Sdn Bhd).
Jabatan Perancangan Bandar dam Desa dalam mesyuarat Majlis Tindakan Ekonomi Negeri (MTES), semalam turut mengesahkan sebanyak 85,415 unit rumah akan dibina melalui pembangunan terbabit untuk didiami 403, 700 orang.
Menteri Besar, Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim, berkata kerajaan negeri akan terbabit secara aktif dalam projek berkenaan kerana memberi kesan yang besar dan faedah secara langsung kepada rakyat.
Beliau yang mempengerusikan mesyuarat mingguan itu turut mengarahkan kakitangan kerajaan dan agensi negeri memberi kerjasama sepenuhnya kepada agensi persekutuan yang terbabit dalam pembangunan projek berkenaan.
Abdul Khalid berkata, syarikat air yang akan dilantik kerajaan negeri selepas penstrukturan semula air diselesaikan akan memainkan peranan penting bagi membekalkan air bersih secara cekap sebagai perkhidmatan utama kepada penduduk di kawasan baru berkenaan.
"Kerajaan Selangor sangat komited untuk menyelesaikan penyusunan semula industri air dan berharap pengambilalihan ini selesai, akhir tahun ini seperti yang ditetapkan menteri.
"Pasukan kami terdiri daripada kumpulan profesional yang pakar dan berpengalaman dalam pengurusan air bersedia. Tugas mereka yang pertama adalah mengurangkan kadar air tidak berhasil (NRW)," katanya dalam satu kenyataan media, di sini, pagi ini.
Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim menyelar Belanjawan 2014 hari ini yang menurutnya menghukum rakyat dan gagal menyentuh isu asas kebocoran dan urus tadbir yang baik.
"Kamu menghukum rakyat dengan GST (cukai barang dan perkhidmatan). Tiada perubahan antara jurang kaya dan miskin. Kita akan bersungguh-sungguh menentang GST," kata ketua pembangkang.
Anwar juga menyifatkan belanjawan kali ini sebagai paradoks kerana dianggap menyebelahi syarikat dan "orang kaya tetapi dalam masa yang sama memperkenal cukai yang melibatkan banyak pihak.
"Cukai lebih rendah untuk orang kaya, dana khas kepada syarikat, dalam masa yang sama kamu kenakan cukai umum yang akan jejaskan segmen besar masyarakat. Ini paradoks."
Setelah pelbagai spekulasi, kerajaan akhirnya hari ini mengumumkan GST 6 peratus akan diperkenal bagi menggantikan Cukai Jualan dan Perkhidmatan (SST) yang akan dimansuhkan.
Ia akan berkuat kuasa pada 1 April 2015.
Menyentuh pengurangan subsidi gula mulai esok, ketua umum PKR itu menyifatkan hujah yang digunakannnya "remeh".
Subsidi gula sebanyak 34 sen akan dimansuhkan berkuatkuasa esok bertujuan mengurangkan jumlah pesakit diabetes di negara ini yang agak membimbangkan.
BN’s Tanjung Karang MP Noh Omar has been quoted as saying that Malaysia will not be a country at peace if Operasi Lalang had not been carried out in 1987.
He said this on Oct 22, during the debate in Parliament on the amendments to the Security Offences (Special Measures] Act (Sosma). The amendments seek to place organised crime as an offence punishable under Sosma.
Noh said there was a threat of racial riots in 1987, resulting in the dragnet that saw more than 100 innocent Malaysians arrested and detained without trial under the Internal Security Act (ISA).
I was one of those detained and I happen to be one of the few Malaysians who have been documenting and monitoring Umno and the way it orchestrates “sensitive issues” whenever there is a crisis facing the party.
Yes, like the May 13 pogrom, Ops Lalang was also orchestrated by Umno. Unlike May 13, we have the benefit of more media coverage and more witnesses among the present generation regarding Operation Lalang.
Umno is facing a break-up
We know that 1987 that time during Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s term when he faced the biggest threat to his rule, with Team B under Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah challenging the results of the Umno elections.
A court decision in Team B’s favour would have meant the end of Mahathir’s grasp on power.
Thus, in the run up to Ops Lalang and before the assault on the judiciary resulting in the sacking of the Lord President and several other Supreme Court judges, the ruling party orchestrated a tense situation in the country by creating various “sensitive” issues.
These included the sending of non-Mandarin qualified administrators to the Chinese schools, conversion of Muslims to Christianity and even threats to organise a 500,000-people Umno rally in the capital.
All these were to justify the unleashing of 'Ops Lalang’ to deal with the so-called “threat to national security”.
The country’s first prime minister Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, in his twilight years at that time, had more perception and integrity than Mahathir in his prime and certainly more political nous than the Tanjung Karang MP.
The Tunku, like many other perceptive democrats at the time, could see how Ops Lalang was orchestrated. This is how he described the situation:
“Umno was facing a break-up. The Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s hold on the party appeared critical when election rigging was alleged to have given him a very narrow victory over Tengku Razaleigh. The case alleging irregularities brought by Umno members was pending in court. If the judgment went against him he would have no choice but to step down. So he had to find a way out of his predicament. A national crisis had to be created to bring UMNO together as a united force to fight a common enemy – and the imaginary enemy in this case was the Chinese community.” Gangsters new 'threat to national security’?
The ISA has been at the convenient disposal of the government of the day ever since its introduction in 1960. When it was first introduced in Parliament, Abdul Razak Hussein tried to justify it by saying it would only be used against “communist terrorists”.
Through its grisly career, the ISA has been used most blatantly by the ruling coalition to cripple its political opponents, most notably the arrest and detention of practically the entire leadership of the Socialist Front, the main threat to the Alliance during the Sixties.
This sham democracy was the main reason for the Socialist Front’s boycott of the 1969 general elections.
Since then, “threats to national security” have included Members of Parliament, trade unionists, environmentalists, educationists, Christian evangelists, Islamic practitioners, document forgers, and the list goes on…
Since the repeal of the ISA, detention without trial now comes in the guise of the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act. With the latest amendments to Sosma, we are told that gangsters are the new “threat to national security”.
All this points not to any threat to the nation but to the machinations of a very insecure regime that orchestrates “sensitive issues” whenever any crisis to the ruling party necessitates it.
I don't know why interviewers still insist on underestimating Russell Brand. Have they not watched any of his previous interviews? Anyone who has seen any interview or guest appearance he's made in the past few months — or even years — will notice that he expresses himself clearly, has been following the issues and does not like being treated like a "trivial" actor/comedian, never mind what the chyron beneath him says.
Now he's done it again, this time on Wednesday night on BBC's Newsnight program with Jeremy Paxman. I can't show the full clip, which contains an F-bomb (Gawker has it; you stand warned) but if you are an interviewer planning on casually dismissing Brand, please, alter your plans. Do not assume that he does not have a vocabulary at least as large as yours, and do not laugh him off or address him as though he is not in the room. This will not work. It will only make him and his revolution stronger, and will make you look like an idiot.
I sometimes wonder how long the Brand machine would thrive if we hired an American comic or actor to read exactly the same statements in an accent that was not British. Would they retain their power to impress? Probably. He explains his decision not to vote by fluently saying: "It is not that I am not voting out of apathy. I am not voting out of absolute indifference and weariness and exhaustion from the lies, treachery and deceit of the political class that has been going on for generations." Not the, "I'm not voting because I, uh, there was like a deadline or something and, um, cards and voting is, you know, ugh, you know?" as would probably come out of most of us were we put on the spot. He has mastered the art of being More Serious Than You Expected (MSTYE?) first pioneered by Jon Stewart. A comedian? With knowledge of the issues? And "lexicon" in his, er, lexicon? SURELY THIS IS THE NEW MESSIAH! LEAD US, RUSSELL, LEAD US!
I am paraphrasing a little, but this does seem to be the way the sentiment is tending. There are a few people hesitant to leap onto what is being termed the Brandwagon (well played!) but the response, if sheer volume of hits counts for anything, has been overwhelming. These awkward encounters offer all the raw enjoyment of watching newsmen cringe combined with the delight of seeing someone Susan Boyle an interview out of the park. Still, it's been happening with such regularity that you might think someone would notice. It's almost becoming Brand's stock in trade — comedian Russell shows up and shows you up. As long as interviewers keep failing to realize what they're dealing with, this publicity will spiral into — well, certainly more buzz for Brand's tours, but at his present rate of virality, possibly some kind of Occupy 2.0 or mass stampede to redistribute everything. You can't rule it out! Anyway, don't underestimate him. That's my point.
The proposed goods and services tax (GST) will tax those who can't afford to be taxed, i.e. 60% of Malaysians who are eligible for BR1M. These are the people who will soon be taxed by the regressive tax, together with the rest of us who live and stay in this country.
I would like to drop the Orwellian double speak so prevalently employed by many GST apologists who are trying to mask the real issue. I will share my views plainly here.
Flawed arguments
Some argue that the government has to be cruel to be kind. Hence, BN would have us believe that the fuel hike subsidy rationalisation is needed to balance the government's expenditure and ensure its good financial standing.
In theory, this sounds legit. However, look closer and you will find many flaws in the argument. For one, this argument does not take into account the adverse effects on the man on the street. It also demonstrates an incomplete understanding of how the economy grows or declines.
What is the real reason for the Barisan Nasional government to implement the GST? This tax has hung like a sword of Damocles over our heads since Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s era in 2005.
GST apologists' main argument is that it is the most effective form of taxation. What does "most effective" mean? Simply put, it means that the government can obtain more tax revenue from our pockets.
Another pro-GST argument is that since 140 odd countries have implemented it, Malaysia should follow suit . However, you do not find BN supporters rushing to follow in the footsteps of other countries' democratisation processes. For example, most countries in the world set the voting age at around 18, so why do we not adopt the "follow the majority" argument in this instance?
GST widens inequality
In the past decade, particularly after the 2008 global financial crisis, the global economy has become acutely concerned about income inequality – the gap between the haves and the have nots.
Scholars and thinkers the world over have acknowledged the negative effect that GST has on the income gap.
Assume my income is RM10,000 and I spend RM1,000 and I'm charged a 5% GST or RM50 for the goods and services I consume. RM1,000 is just 1/10 of my supposed RM10,000 income. Imagine a person earns RM1,000 per month and spend all his income to consume goods and services and pays a similar 5% GST. RM50 to a person who earns RM10,000 and to a person who earns RM1,000 carries an absolutely different meaning. The lower income person will suffer more.
The BN apologists also argue that GST is fair, since it taxes everyone in a country where the majority do not pay tax. A belated consolation to the minority taxpaying group who have been contributing to the national coffers, if you will.
However, 60% of Malaysians are eligible for the BR1M financial aid, meaning to say 60% of Malaysian families earn less than RM3,000 a month. They are already struggling to make ends meet. They do not pay taxes because they are below the tax-paying threshold.
Of course there are those who evade paying tax, I believe that we have adequate laws to deal with this, if the enforcement is done properly.
The middle income group will suffer too
Some advocates for GST said, the daily necessities of the poor are not subject to GST. I would like to ask them, who are the poor? If 60% of Malaysians need BR1M money, that means 60% of the country’s families are struggling. If what the 60% need are exempted from GST, might as well we keep to the old system as there is no GST system that exempts 60% of people and still remains worthwhile to run.
How do we differentiate between daily necessities for poor people and for normal people? Are we not degrading the quality of life of those trapped in the middle income group through their consumption of GST-exempted products meant for the poor?
One other argument is that by introducing GST, we can reduce sales tax and eventually, income tax.
While we recognise that Malaysia's tax system does no favours to the middle income bracket who earn between RM5,000 and RM10,000, the cure is not the introduction of GST. This unfortunate fact of high tax for middle income bracket should be rectified by tax adjustments to reduce the burden of the middle income families, shifting the focus to the super-rich.
Malaysia's GST is not like in the UK, Australia and other developed nations where top income tax rate were 50% and above before the introduction of the GST. For them, tax cuts were the natural course of action after the introduction of GST.
There is little room to manoeuvre for a tax cut with the Malaysian income tax rate which is not that high by comparison.
Killing the golden goose
BN ministers have said that the GST is a necessary evil to balance the accounts and to reduce deficit and debts. To most of us, such a statement means that the only "balance" it seems to bring is to allow the powers-that-be to continue to squander the nation's wealth – business as usual.
The crux of the matter is this: killing the golden goose. Here's what I mean by "golden goose"- our economy is no longer as export-reliant as it once heavily was. While previously, our biggest trading partner was the US, in the past three years the growth of our economy has heavily depended on domestic consumption.
Apart from the government's expenditure, domestic consumption comprises the money spent by ordinary citizens, mostly via debt. Hence, the rakyat who spend money are the "golden geese".
Malaysia's household debt is the second highest in all of Asia. Should the bubble burst, we will have many casualties.
I would like to reiterate that arguably, GST by nature is designed to tax those who cannot afford to be taxed in the first place. The 60% of citizens who are eligible for BR1M aid will now be taxed by GST, shrinking the domestic consumer market – i.e. the disposable income that could have been spent buying goods is now taken away by tax.
In this scenario, imposing GST at this stage will be akin to killing the golden goose. It would not be far fetched to imagine the worst case scenario of GST not as the feared monster of inflation, but the falling demand that precedes a recession.
Pemimpin Pakatan Rakyat menyindir Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Razak berhubung pengumuman kerajaan yang bercadang menambah dan meneruskan pemberian wang Bantuan Rakyat 1Malaysia (BR1M) dalam Bajet 2014.
Ahli parlimen Kulai Teo Nie Ching dan ADUN Batu Caves Amiruddin Shari mempersoal bantuan itu kepada isi rumah berpendapatan bulanan RM3,000 dan ke bawah yang akan dinaikkan daripada RM500 kepada RM650.
Sedangkan, pada Februari lalu – sebelum pilihan raya umum ke-13 – Timbalan Perdana Menteri Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin dilapor berkata bantuan itu boleh ditambah kepada RM1,000 jika BN berjaya mempertahankan Putrajaya.
“#Bajet2014 BR1M akan menaikkan (bantuan) kepada RM650. Saya ingat dulu TPM janjikan RM1,000," kata Teo dalam tweet-nya lewat petang semalam.
Sementara Amiruddin pula berkata: “Janji ditepati! Janji BR1M RM1,000 dapat RM650,” kata beliau dalam tweet-nya.
Muhyiddin antara lain dilapor berkata BR1M akan diberi “bukan sahaja untuk kali kedua, tetapi untuk masa ketiga, keempat, kelima, atau malah selama-lamanya jika BN menang kerajaan”.
Sementara itu, berikut reaksi beberapa pemimpin Pakatan mengenai Bajet 2014 yang bertemakan “Memperteguh Ketahanan Ekonomi, Memperkasa Transformasi dan Melaksana Janji” di Parlimen petang semalam.
Ong Kian Ming, ahli parlimen DAP Serdang
Saya tidak tahu mengapa Najib fikir dengan GST akan lebih murah, tetapi saya tidak bersetuju dengan beliau.
Beliau berkata, orang ramai akan dapat kurang berbelanja kerana cukai jualan dan perkhidmatan dimansuhkan (10 dan 6 peratus). Cukai jualan dan perkhidmatan adalah untuk peratusan kecil daripada beberapa barang.
GST adalah menyeluruh. Syarikat akan mengambil peluang ini untuk meningkatkan harga barangan sekurang-kurangnya 4 peratus. Malah, saya menjangkakan harga akan meningkat.
Liew Chin Tong, ahli jawatankuasa pusat DAP
Ada lebih banyak cara lain untuk kehidupan lebih sihat (subsidi gula). Peruntukan pengangkutan awam tidak banyak.
Terdapat potensi GST akan menyebabkan kemelesetan. Ia akan mengurangkan penggunaan domestik. Anda meningkatkan pendapatan dari golongan miskin. Apabila pendapatan boleh guna mereka dikurangkan, kuasa perbelanjaan mereka akan mengurangkan.
Ekonomi kita bergantung kepada penggunaan domestik. GST akan mengurangkan permintaan, orang akan berfikir tentang apa yang perlu dibayar. Kita pada dasarnya mencukai orang yang tidak pernah bayar cukai.
Tiada semakan semula menyeluruh tentang pengangkutan awam. Jika anda mahu mengurangkan subsidi, anda mesti mempunyai sistem pengangkutan awam yang cekap. Enam peratus adalah adalah tinggi, kami menjangkakan empat peratus.
Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad, angggota jawatankuasa pusat PAS
GST bertujuan mengelak cukai berganda, Najib bohong pada rakyat. Jika cukai berkurangan bagaimana mungkin untuk tambah hasil cukai, Najib?
Turut memberi pandangan ialah Ketua Pemuda MCA, Datuk Wee Ka Siong:
Pertama sekali, RPTG (Cukai Keuntungan Harta Tanah), (memberi) kesan yang besar kepada pembangunan perumahan. Ia tidak boleh dilakukan dalam tempoh yang singkat. Ramai kaum Cina terlibat dalam pembangunan hartanah. Ia mesti dilakukan secara berperingkat-peringkat.
Saya tahu niat yang baik, tetapi anda lakukan dengan cara yang drastik, mungkin menghalang jualan harta tanah. Sebanyak 150 industri terlibat di sini. SMJK mesti diberi peruntukan tertentu.
Saya fikir GST adalah OK. Rakyat berharap persoalan mereka terjawab, mengapa kita perlu GST. Rakyat akan memahami mengapa kita perlu GST. Saya berharap tidak ada cukai dua kali.
As expected, Prime Minister Najib Razak announced the implementation of Goods and Services Tax, to be effective from April 1, 2015.
The GST start rate at 6% is higher than the 4% expected, although not as bad as the 7% first pitched by Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Idris Jala.
"The government will do what is right for our economy. Some measures may not be popular now, but over the medium term what is good for the economy is also good for the people," Najib said in his Budget 2014 presentation.
Horrid set of priorities: I give him an ‘F’
Nonetheless, the move will open the floodgates to public anger once Malaysians start to grapple with already fast-rising prices of everyday items.
“Horrid set of priorities, still going for mammoth mega projects, fanciful pursuits of making Malaysia a shopping haven and thoughtlessness in adopting the regressive GST without walking the talk of addressing wastages,” Nurul Izzah, the Opposition MP for Lembah Pantai, told Malaysia Chronicle.
“An overall ‘F’ for the PM. What’s more worrying is the face of future Malaysia. What more can the average Malaysian worker suffer.”
Mega projects push already high govt debt to 54.8% of GDP from 53.3%
Indeed, Malaysians and foreign investors may soon find that the 60-year-old Najib has been playing both sides of the fence.
His minders have painted a picture of an urgent need to trim the deficit and record-high government bogey, using the recent Fitch downgrade in country outlook as a bogey, so as to justify the GST implementation which is expected to raise tax revenue from April next year.
However, despite projecting higher economic growth and a 50 basis points cut in the fiscal deficit for 2014, government debt has been forecast at 54.7% of GDP or hardly budged from this year’s record-high.
"Despite collecting the significantly higher than expected revenue, the deficit for 2013 remained at RM39.3 billion. It means that almost every single sen of extra revenue collected by the Government is immediately expended, instead of contributing towards reducing our debt," MP for PJ Utara Tony Pua said in a statement.
The just released Finance Ministry’s Economic Report had forecast government debt at an unprecedented RM541.3 billion or 54.8% of the GDP this year versus RM501.6 billion or 53.3% in 2012. The legal ceiling on Malaysia’s government borrowing is 55% of GDP and this exposes the Najib administration to running foul of the limit just as the US government was forced to shut down for nearly 2 weeks earlier this month.
“This is really like sleight of hand. You say the government needs money to cut borrowings, so you introduce GST. We can argue the borrowings were in the first place unjustified, with a lot of corrupt wastage. Then now, we can see very clearly the GST is not going to be plowed back to cut debt but to allow Najib to keep financing mega projects,” Opposition MP for Batu Tian Chua told Malaysia Chronicle.
“My sense tells me we can expect GST to be raised and subsidies to be continually cut in the future. There is no sincere commitment to cut debt. What this means is soaring prices and the poor getting poorer while the richer keep getting richer.”
Higher growth, lower deficit, higher government debt
Najib had this afternoon unveiled total budget of RM264.2 billion for 2014. Operation expenditure was estimated at RM217.7 billion and development expenditure at RM46.5 billion versus revenue of 224.1 billion.
He projected a lower fiscal deficit of 3.5% of GDP in 2014. This compares against the 2013 target of 4%, which most analysts already expect him to miss.
There will also be a RM7.3 billion cut in the subsidies budget from RM46.7 billion in 2013 to RM39.4 billion in 2014. Ultimately, this will translate into high prices for consumers as the government will be subsidizing less of their costs.
“Why is the Government asking ordinary Malaysians to tighten their belts and suffer higher prices, but the Government chooses to continue with its big spending ways. The subsidy cuts aren’t going toward reducing our debt or deficit, instead it is just providing more funds for the Government to go shopping,” said Tony.
While the government insists that GST was necessary to expand Malaysia's narrow tax base, which has been limited as only 10 percent of the workforce pay income tax, critics say that real wages have not risen and in fact have turned negative for many due to runaway property prices.
The GST will replace the Sales and Services Tax. Items to be exempted from GST are rice, sugar, salt, flour, cooking oil, dhal, chilli, herbs, salted fish, cincalok, budu, belacan, pipe water, electricity (for domestic use), government services, public transport (bus, LRT, ferry, toll) sales and purchase of property or rental of property.
Mega projects
Among the mega projects announced in Budget 2014 are the 316km West Coast Expressway from Banting to Taiping, the double-tracking projects from Ipoh to Padang Besar and later from Gemas to Johor Bahru.
RM700 million will also be allocated to build new air traffic control and management system at KLIA. This is to replace the existing one in Subang. RM312 million will be spent to upgrade Kota Kinabalu, Sandakan, Miri, Sibu and Mukah airports, additional upgrade of terminals in Langkawi International Airport and Kuantan Airport.
The services sector blueprint will also be launched next year, while the logistics sector master plan and national aviation policy will also be formulated. - Malaysia Chronicle
Further details of the Budget 2014 are listed below:
Total budget: RM264.2 billion
Operation expenditure: RM217.7 billion Development expenditure: RM46.5 billion
2014: RM224.1 bil 2013: RM220.1 bil 2012: RM206.2 bil
Deficit
2014: 3.5% of GDP 2013: 4.0% 2012: 4.5%
Domestic economic prospects
Net foreign direct investment was higher at RM18.2 billion in the first half of 2013 compared with RM15.9 billion during the same period in 2012.
International reserves remained strong at RM444.9 billion at Oct 14, sufficient to finance 9.7 months of retained imports and 3.9 times the short-term external debt.
For entire 2013, domestic economy expected to expand 4.5% – 5%. Growth supported by private investment, increasing 16.2% to estimated RM165 billion.
Private and public consumption expected to grow 7.4% and 7.3% respectively
Domestic economy projected to grow at a stronger pace of 5% to 5.5%. Growth to be driven by private investment at 12.7%, and private consumption 6.2%.
Exports of goods expected to grow 2.5% over improving external demand. On the supply side, construction sector expected to grow 9.6%, services sector at 5.7%.
Unemployment rate estimated at 3.1%, inflation rate to remain low between 2% and 3%.
Per capita income for 2014 expected to reach RM34,126. Plans to achieve the target per capita income of RM46,500 in and even “achieve developed nation status much earlier than 2020″.
Goods and Services Tax
Government to introduce Goods and Services Tax (GST) at 6% starting April 1, 2015. Sales and Services Tax to be abolished.
Items to be exempted from GST – rice, sugar, salt, flour, cooking oil, dhal, chilli, herbs, salted fish, cincalok, budu, belacan, piped water, electricity (for first 200 for domestic use), government services, public transport (bus, LRT, ferry, toll) sales and purchase of property or rental of property.
Implementation comes with a reduction in tax structure effective from 2015. Generally, those with family and earning RM4,000 and below need no longer pay income tax.
After GST, a one-off cash payment of RM300 to be made to those now receiving BR1M help.
GST monitoring committee to be chaired by Minister of Finance II Ahmad Husni Hanadzlah to ensure smooth implementation.
Tax incentives
In tandem with GST, individual income tax rates to be reduced by one to three percentage points for all taxpayers.
Chargeable income subject to maximum rate to be increased from exceeding RM100,000 to exceeding RM400,000.
Current maximum tax rate at 26% to be reduced to 24%, 24.5% and 25%. These measures to be effective from 2015.
Tax rebate of RM2,000 for those earning less than RM8,000
To help the employer’s burden of implementing of minimum wage scheme – RM900 in Peninsula Malaysia and RM800 in Sabah and Sarawak, the government will introduce extra tax incentives for whole of 2014. This is to help employers to top up salaries of their employees to the minimum level.
Corporate tax rate cut by 1 percentage point from 25% to 24%, for SMEs reduction from 20% to 19% from year of assessment 2016.
Cooperative tax rate cut by 1 to 2 percentage points from year of assessment 2015.
Projects and allocations
Projects to be implemented include 316km West Coast Expressway from Banting to Taiping. and double-tracking projects from Ipoh to Padang Besar and later from Gemas to Johor Bahru.
National Entrepreneur Development Office to be established to plan and coordinate all entrepreneurship activities.
RM1 billion investment in companies scoring high on Environmental, Social and Governance Index.
RM265 mil to resolve electricity cuts in Sabah.
Government to conduct audit on projects valued at more than RM100 million.
496 more CCTV at 25 areas. RM200 mil allocated for police to get more equipment (weapons, bulletproof vest, forensic vehicles, biometric equipments)
Education
Education budget for 2014: RM54.6 billion or 21 percent of total budget.
RM450 mil funds for school maintenance. Breakdown: RM100 mil for SK, and RM50 mil each for all the rest: SJK(C), SJK(T), Sekolah Mubaligh, Sekolah Asrama Penuh, MRSM, government-aided religious school and sekolah agama rakyat.
Government to continue giving RM100 cash to all primary and secondary school students.
Baucer Buku 1Malaysia for pre-U students of RM250 to continue. RM325 mil to be allocated and it is estimated that this will help 1.3 million students nationwide.
RM100 mil to improve education and training for Indians.
Tourism
2013 – RM25 mil tourist arrivals 2014 – Target: 28 mil tourist arrivals
2014 – Visit Malaysia Year 2015 – Year of Festivals
Government to spend RM 1.2 bil to develop, promote and publicise tourism in 2013-2014.
RM2 bil for Special Tourism Infrastructure Fund to finance building tourism infrastructure.
Air transport
RM700 million to build new air traffic control and management system at KLIA. This is to replace the existing one in Subang.
RM312 million to upgrade Kota Kinabalu, Sandakan, Miri, Sibu and Mukah airports, additional upgrade of terminals in Langkawi International Airport and Kuantan Airport.
Services sector blueprint to be launched next year, the logistics sector master plan and national aviation policy to be formulated.
Public transport
RM62 million for ‘park and ride' facilities at LRT, KTM Komuter and ERL stations.
RM15.3 million for Centralised Taxi Service System to ensure efficient mobilisation of taxi services.
RM28 million for building 'last city terminals', upgrading of bus stops and providing 'drop-and-ride' facilities.
Refurbishing electric trains at a cost of RM28 million to ensure frequency and efficiency of services.
High-speed broadband
Second phase of the High-Speed Broadband (HSBB) project in collaboration with the private sector involving RM1.8 billion investment to expand coverage to major towns. Internet speed to be increased to 10 Mbps.
RM1.5 bil to build 1,000 new telecommunications tower over three years. RM850 mil to build new undersea cable to improve internet in East Malaysia over 3 years.
Agriculture
RM6 bil allocated to implement high value-added and commercially viable agriculture programmes.
RM2.4 bil for agricultural subsidies and incentives for paddy and fish farming.
Subsidies reduction
Sugar subsidy of 34 sen to be abolished tomorrow. Price to go up to RM2.84 per kg.
Government to allocate RM47 bil for subsidies in 2013 and 53% or RM24.8 bil went to petrolem products that benefitted all, even the rich, the businessmen and foreigners.
Najib cites the recent petrol price subsidy cut as an example of this structural changes to come for subsidies, which make up to a fifth of the total national budget.
Retirement scheme
To allocate RM210 mil for a private retirement scheme (PRS) to encourage young to start saving. Starting Jan 1, the government will top up RM500 into the account for those aged 20-30 years old who can save RM1,000.
It is estimated that 420,000 youths may join this scheme to run for five years.
Increase of Real Property Gain Tax (RPGT)
RPGT increased as follow:
- 30% (first 3 years)
- 20% (fourth year)
- 15% (fifth year)
- For foreigners: 30% for all five years
Minimum property purchase price for foreigners to be doubled from RM500,000 to RM1 mil.
Cheaper homes: Subsidy of RM15,000 to RM20,000 for private and public developers for low and medium cost homes, for sale to first home buyers.
BRIM 3.0
Those earning household income of below RM3,000 to get RM650, an increase of RM150.
RM450 for those households earning between RM3,000 and RM4,000.
For single individuals earning below RM2,000, they get RM300 each.
In total, RM4.6 billion will be handed out under BR1M 3.0.
The introduction of the good and services tax (GST), as just recently announced by Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak as part of the 2014 Budget only serves to "punish the people", said Anwar Ibrahim.
In an immediate reaction to the budget, the opposition leader said this will only further serve to widen the divide between the rich and the poor and vowed that Pakatan Rakyat will continue to oppose the GST in earnest.
However, he said the budget further lacked focus "fundamental issues and good governance".
"There was feeble argument on reducing sugar subsidy. There is no focus on the issue of good governance.
"(There was) Lower taxes for the rich, special funds for companies (but) at the same time you impose general tax that will affect a large segment of the population. It is a paradox," he said
Najib today announced that the Sales and Service Tax will be abolished, and in its place will be the much-critised GST at 6 percent, effective from April 1, 2015.
A government deficit that remains unmoved despite a RM14.4 billion surfeit in tax collections suggests that Putrajaya is incapable of reining in its excess spending even as it imposes a Good and Services Tax (GST) on the public, DAP's Tony Pua said today.
Pointing out that the reported excess in tax collections disclosed in Economic Report 2013/14 should have helped slash the chronic deficit to a "euphoric" 2.6 per cent, the Petaling Jaya Utara MP said this has instead remained unchanged at the projected 4 per cent.
"Despite collecting the significantly higher than expected revenue, the deficit for 2013 remained at RM39.3 billion. It means that almost every single sen of extra revenue collected by the Government is immediately expended, instead of contributing towards reducing our debt," Pua said in a statement today.
Putrajaya today announced the introduction of the long-delayed GST that will begin at 6 per cent from April 1, 2015 in a bid to widen its revenue base and tackle its chronic overspending that dates back to the Asian Financial Crisis of the 90s.
But despite seeking to shift the burden to the public, Pua said the Budget for 2014 also showed that Putrajaya was not slowing down its spending.
"Datuk Seri Najib (Razak) is seeking the Parliament to increase the operating expenditure further to RM217.7 billion, despite a massive RM7.3 billion cut in the subsidies budget from RM46.7 billion in 2013 to RM39.4 billion in 2014.
"Effectively, that means whatever that is saved from the subsidies reduction goes entirely towards other government operating expenditure," Pua added.
While billed as a "brave reform", Pua noted that any benefit from the introduction of the GST would be negated by the government's inability to spend less than it takes in.
He added that instead of addressing the deficit, the new tax would become another avenue to fill "the coffers of the government so as to reduce the need for the BN administration to cut down on its excesses.
"The GST is a consumption tax, meaning all Malaysians will be taxed according to their level of spending, regardless of income. This differs from income tax that is only applicable after a certain salary level is exceeded.
Najib announced today that essential food items would be exempted from the tax, in addition to tap water and the first 200 units of electricity. Government services and public transport will also be exempted.
The tax was first announced during Budget 2005 and was originally scheduled to be implemented in 2007 before it was deferred.
The GST Bill was then tabled for the first reading in 2009 for implementation in late 2011, but was withdrawn during the second reading in 2010 following fierce public resistance.
Economic analysts, rating agencies and policymakers have expressed their concerns on the broadening risk of "twin deficits" in several countries. Malaysia is one of the countries that encounters the potential due to the shrinking of national current-account surplus and its continuous budget deficits every year. The Fitch-Ratings agency warns about the country's poor economic performance and thus, downgrades its credit-rating of the Malaysian economy from stable to negative. Dozens of private investors have shown their dwindling interest in local market, but the BN government has continued its lavish spending on unnecessary purchases.
A gloomier outlook of the economy plus the low-recovering speed of BRICS countries have caused emerging markets to become more vulnerable. Whether the Federal Reserve will continue its long-term asset purchase through Quantitative Easing (QE) still remains obscure. Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak has pledged to trim the fiscal deficit from 4.5 per cent to 4 per cent this year. However, this may be piecemeal reforms and blanket approaches seemed far from forthcoming. To maintain macroeconomic stability with a sustainable pace of growth requires bold and courageous effort but with his lacklustre reform policies it will seem impossible to meet the requirement of its undertaking.
Pakatan's 2014 shadow budget foresees its capabilities to reduce the concerns over the potential of "twin deficits" by proposing a balanced fiscal reform with a greater prospect of fostering the people's needs. Below are excerpts from Pakatan Rakyat's 2014 Budget that address the underlying fiscal consolidation:
To break the vicious cycle of mounting public debt in excess of RM500 billion and the ever growing annual debt service charges of approximately RM20 billion at present of about 10 per cent of annual operating expenditure
To preserve economic resilience in the medium-to-long term in the face of very challenging global economic and financial environment
Move away from "borrowed-growth" model with a rising share of the government spending-led economic activities
Malaysia's relatively large public debt at 53.3 per cent of GDP was also one of the key issues behind the downgrade of Malaysia's economic outlook by Fitch-Ratings. The ballooning public debt in Malaysia is narrowly reaching its debt ceiling due to government wastages and corruption that breeds easily under the BN government. Therefore, Pakatan Rakyat proposed a refining policy to curb these problems by increasing spending efficiency and start its work on the rationalisation process.
Pakatan holds a radical approach to encourage wise spending by introducing a broad-cost rationalisation programme in all ministries and government departments to achieve an across the board 10 per cent cut in annual operating expenditure. The 2012 Auditor-General Report has drawn heavy criticism from every quarters due to the inefficiency of the government agency's handling of taxpayer's money. This led to the conclusion that Najib's announcement of policy reforms is merely cosmetic.
Pakatan has unveiled its cost-containment and savings initiative programmes through specific measures such as:
Implementation of Liquidated Ascertained Damage (LAD) system
This measure is a bold attempt to punish parties that do not fulfil their responsibilities within the timeframe. They must compensate for the loss incurred in the project. Hence, this system should ensure all parties are heavily dedicated to complete their assigned project without allocations of additional cost. The regular practice of this policy may avoid any postponement of projects from its original planning
Qualitative Assessment for Government projects.
Pakatan Rakyat aspires to perform an in-depth assessment of projects from both qualitative and quantitative aspect. Furthermore, government projects will undergo stricter regulation to comply with international standards.
These measures are vital to the development of the nation's economy, while at the same time comply with Pakatan's effort to provide a comprehensive solution of the rising deficit each year. Dealing with the concerns about the twin deficits' threat to Malaysia's economy, Pakatan's shadow budget unleashes its measures to reduce government spending through practical solutions. This could help to boost government's savings estimated at RM 5.7 billion each year.
Pakatan also anticipates a lower budget deficit over GDP this year at 3.2 per cent as compared to the government projection at 4 per cent this year from 4.5 per cent in 2012 while it targets a higher pace of growth estimated a 5.2 per cent due to efficient government spending. It holds the view that spending efficiency is a massive consideration while trimming the deficit. Some of the concerns about Malaysia's mounting public debt at 53 per cent of GDP this year might be well addressed if the current government knows how to spend wisely. Hence, a few measures from Pakatan's shadow budget 2014 can be an eye-opener of how the rationalisation of government spending will help to curb the potential of "twin-deficits" in Malaysia.
Kampung Jawa, Klang, 20 Oktober 2013 - Pejabat Khidmat ADUN Seri Andalas pada hari ini telah mengadakan Program Jom Shopping Deepavali.
Program ini telah diadakan di pasaraya Econsave Kampung Jawa dari jam 9 pagi hingga 12 tengahari. Program diadakan bagi membantu mereka yang layak untuk membuat persediaan sempena perayaan Deepavali. Setiap peserta diberikan baucar untuk dibelanjakan pada hari ini.
YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar mengucapkan terima kasih kepada para sukarelawan yang telah membantu menjayakan program pada hari ini.
#MeetAnwar Melaka Dialog Anak Muda Bersama Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibahim 26 Oktober 2013|4pm|Kings Hotel No.30 Lebuh Ayer Keroh Melaka| MASUK PERCUMA Daftar Kehadiran di: www.aicmalaysia.blogspot.com
The George W. Bush presidency dealt a severe blow to the U.S. policy of promoting democracy. The normative and the practical aspects of the policy are now both being contested, and pundits call for a thorough remodeling of the American "democracy bureaucracy." The problem is much more complex, however, and reforming the democracy bureaucracy may be just a part of the solution. It is important to remember that the very democracy bureaucracy existing today has helped consolidate democratic regimes in former Soviet bloc countries such as Czechoslovakia for example.
After the Velvet Revolution, U.S. "democracy money" was helpful in fostering an elite of Czech and Slovak democrats and in introducing democratic practices to the wider public. The United States Information Agency (USIA) printed Czech-language brochures about the role of independent media and democratic governance; U.S. grant money was used to fill the practically inexistent political science libraries of universities and to found civil society organizations and think tanks – the necessary watchdogs of any democracy. In the lead-up to the revolution, Radio Free Europe and the Voice of America were an essential means for dissidents to organize amongst themselves and call for public demonstrations (similarly as the social media today).
The U.S. democracy promotion infrastructure was an important partner in the Czech transformation process and, in a way, still continues to be as the U.S. embassy in Prague sponsors numerous civil society initiatives. Although the Czech Republic may seem like a fully democratic state, the democracy assistance follow-up in a transformed country is equally important as democracy promotion in a yet-untransformed society. It will perhaps take another generation of Czechs before certain aspects of political culture that have prevailed from the communist era will be fully uprooted. But even though nostalgic memories about the merits of the old regime still exist – mainly among the older generation – the younger generation of Czechs is all the more vigilant about respecting democratic principles.
The recent expulsion of U.S. organizations promoting democracy and the rule of law in Egypt, Russia and even the United Arab Emirates is the symptom of a very negative trend – something that has come to be labeled as democratic backlash. This has implications not only for the development of democracy in the respective countries, but more so for U.S. soft power. The workings of USAID, NED and the international branches of the Republican and Democratic Party are perceived as meddling into the internal affairs of sovereign states; they are being labeled as spy agencies and accused of attempting to subvert the standing regime. This all nourishes government propaganda, which can "legitimately" be anti-American.
Nevertheless, the anti-American sentiments in Egypt or Russia that facilitated the decision to expel U.S. NGOs cannot be blamed solely on government propaganda. For over forty years, the thinking and the mindset of Czechoslovaks was fed by aggressive anti-American ("anti-imperialist") propaganda. Yet, after the revolution, the vast majority of the population clearly envisioned where their country should be heading. The primary goal of Czech foreign policy was to "return to the West" – join the NATO community and become a member of the EU. Once these goals were achieved – some commentators argue – Czech foreign policy lost its guiding principle.
So why did Eastern European countries readily accept democracy assistance from the United States while elsewhere it is a problem? Was this because U.S. soft power was at its apex in the 1990s and the American model seemed so lucrative? If yes, was it causation or mere correlation of U.S. democracy promotion efforts? Or was it purely because the countries wanted to drift as far away from Moscow as possible?
Simply put, the Czechs explicitly sought to adopt liberal democracy and capitalism and thereby met John Stuart Mill's prerequisites for representative government: "One, that the people should be willing to receive it; two, that they should be willing and able to do what is necessary for its preservation; three, that they should be willing and able to fulfill the duties and discharge the functions which it imposes on them."
Are such conditions being met in Egypt, Russia and other countries where American initiatives promote democracy? Certainly not as explicitly as in the Czech Republic and other countries from behind the Iron Curtain. In the 1990s, the ouster of U.S. pro-democracy organizations from Czechoslovakia (and later the Czech Republic) would be unthinkable since the public would understand this step as a reminder of the communist anti-Western stance.
A prosaic argument can be drawn from this: Democracy promotion works most effectively in countries where, prior to transition, the majority of the population unequivocally seeks the prospects of joining the Western democratic community – either because of security concerns or economic benefit, but it must also feel welcome to join. Otherwise, democracy promotion can backfire and serve as an instrument of anti-Americanism.
Hence, before future U.S. administrations lies an extremely difficult choice where American soft power is at stake. If democracy promotion initiatives cause, in some countries, democratic backlash, which in turn damages U.S. soft power, is it better to cease the pro-democracy efforts and allocate the funds and efforts elsewhere? But then, without the democracy aid, would all prospects for a democratic breakthrough in the given country be lost? How many missed opportunities for democratization would such a decision generate? In a similar vein, one can ask: What would Czech democracy look like today in a parallel universe, where the United States provided no support for democracy before and after the Velvet Revolution? Unfortunately, one can only speculate about the answers to these questions.
Democracy promotion has become a vicious circle and the only way to step out of it is to sacrifice certain moral principles and values that have guided the policy throughout the twentieth century. In other words, become more selective in democratic assistance. It would be instrumental to curtail support in countries where the general populace is hostile toward the United States and devote most effort to places like Myanmar or perhaps South Sudan. This may seem like a cynical approach, but in the end, it may have better results. American soft power may have more chances to regain the momentum it had in the 1990s, but lost (and continues to lose) during the war on terror.
Chinese soft power is still nowhere near that of The United States, but this may be slowly changing – in parts of Africa for example. As democracy is intrinsically connected in many minds with the United States, democratic backlash is also an expression of opposition to the U.S. (and the West), and consequently damages American soft power. This should be kept in mind for all U.S. engagements in the world, because U.S. decline starts not when China beats the United States in GDP, but when Beijing beats Washington in soft power. Moral hubris is thus the most dangerous threat facing the United States, albeit a threat it can fully control.
Tunisia is the last hope for a successful transition arising from the 2011 Arab uprisings. Egypt has regressed into open authoritarianism and military rule; in Morocco, the palace has again outmaneuvered the government, sidelining the Islamist Party for Justice and Development even though it nominally controls the government; the new Yemeni government resembles the old one and faces the same problems of economic collapse and regional separatism. Libya got rid of Qaddafi only to fall in the hands of rival militias that out-power the fledgling political institutions; Syria is engulfed in a vicious and seemingly endless conflict. In Tunisia, rival parties are mired in bitter political battles as they all seek to maximize their political advantage, but as long as the battles remain political there is hope for a long term democratic outcome. If all parties wanted, the impasse could be resolved in a few weeks, on the basis of a road map to which all parties have agreed, but only kind of.
Fortunately for Tunisia, a solution to the present impasse can only come from an agreement among the major political actors. The intervention of a deus ex machina is unlikely. There is no indication that the military—apolitical ever since Tunisia became independent—will intervene, as it did in Egypt. The security forces are more of a question mark, but their intervention still seems unlikely. There is no king to maneuver behind the scene and implement his own solutions, as in Morocco. And outside actors cannot impose their will, as the GCC countries did in Yemen. Tunisian politicians will have to work out a compromise solution among themselves. This could be the beginning of democracy. Conversely, it could be the beginning of a protracted period of instability and economic decline.
The Transition Saga
After the fall of the Ben Ali regime, Tunisia appeared to be off to a promising start. Within weeks, Beji Caid Essebsi, an old-time politician who had occupied a variety of important positions under President Bourguiba, became interim prime minister. Working with the High Authority for the Achievement of the Revolution's Objectives, Political Reform, and Democratic Transition, a body whose convoluted name denoted the difficult coexistence of organizations with different goals, Essebsi managed to steer the country successfully to the election of a constituent assembly in October 2011. The assembly was expected to complete its work in one year.
Two years later, the constitution has not yet been approved, although the third and final draft has been "almost completed" for at least six months. Participants in the process blame each other's perversity for the delay. To an outside observer, it is clear that both structural obstacles and political choices account for the problem. There is no magic bullet to solve the structural problems and Tunisians will have to learn to live with them. Political choices, on the other hand, could be reversed rapidly, as part of a grand bargain among the parties in the negotiation that started on October 23.
A Clash of Ideologies and Elites
The major political groups in Tunisia do not trust each other, and the mutual suspicions are very deep. There are three such groups: the Islamists, represented by Ennahda and by Salafi factions of different degree of radicalism; a centrist, secular, but extremely fragmented and poorly structured coalition best represented by Nida Tounes and its leader Beji Caid Essebsi; and the left, represented by the small parties in the Popular Front and, at present, the leadership of the UGTT, the labor union federation.
Ennahda won 37 percent of votes in the 2011 elections but it remains an outsider to the political establishment, which is still dominated by the political elite that emerged after independence under President Habib Bourguiba. The party is dominated by its moderate wing, which has made many concessions on the constitutions, including dropping all references to sharia. But it is still an Islamist organization and as such it is deeply distrusted by the old political establishment, which tends to dismiss moderate statements as doublespeak. The presence of a more radical Salafi trend within Ennahda and the somewhat fluid boundaries between Ennahda and more radical Salafi groups do nothing to assuage fears.
The centrist coalition represents Tunisia's secularist tradition, embodied in the 1959 constitution, and in the personal status code of that period, the most progressive in the Arab world. It also represents the country's political elite, in control of the country since independence. Its supporters are truly afraid that an Islamist party could reverse this tradition, but they are also resisting the rise of a new political elite. Centrists accuse Ennahda of seeking to turn the clock of modernity back on Tunisia and particularly its women, although they cannot point to concrete evidence. The accusations must be understood in both contexts: genuine fears that the party will undermine cherished values and a way of life; and a very politically motivated desire to suppress unwelcome competition not only by a new party but by a potential new political elite.
Ennahda is also fearful and distrustful of anybody with ties to the old regime. It has good reasons: a large number of Islamists, including Ennahda's top leaders, were jailed for long periods or forced into exile after Ben Ali cracked down on the party after it won 17 percent of the vote in 1989. In fact, it is not surprising that Ennahda tried to enact a law excluding from political life individuals tainted by association with Ben Ali; rather, it is remarkable that it agreed to drop the law in order to facilitate the transition. Still, Ennahda fears that a victory of the secularist parties could usher in another period of anti-Islamist repression
The parties of the left trust neither the secular centrists nor the Islamists, and in turn are not trusted by either. They are secular, of course, but also militantly socialist, still speaking the language of the old European left. But they are also small and much less threatening to both Ennahda and Nida Tounes. Right now, the left is to some extent making common cause with the center against Ennahda, but it is a fragile alliance of convenience, dictated in part by the fears that Ennahda is gaining support among the labor union's rank and file, the traditional support base of the left.
The Political Game
Tunisian politicians are in agreement about what needs to be done in order to complete the stalled transition: approving the constitutions; forming a new "politically neutral" government to lead the country until the elections; and organize both parliamentary and presidential elections, which entails three steps: forming an independent election commission, writing the election law, and setting the polling dates.
But they disagree profoundly about the sequencing and timing of the steps for reasons of political strategy. Ennahda insists that the present government, which it heads, will not resign until the constitution is approved, the election commission and the election law are ready, and the election dates have been firmly set in early 2014. The opposition parties, on the other hand, want to follow the roadmap proposed by a quartet of mediators, including the labor unions and the employers' federation, which in reality is close to the opposition. The roadmap calls for the formation of the election commission in two weeks and the writing of the election law within two weeks of the beginning of the final negotiations or national dialogue; resignation of the government within three weeks and the completion of the constitution and setting the dates of elections within four weeks. Ennahda fears that once the government has resigned the opposition will stall on the constitutions and the election dates—indeed, members of the opposition are saying openly that elections should be postponed long enough to give time to the new government to get rid of Ennahda's appointees in bureaucratic positions. The opposition argues that if Ennahda gets everything it wants before the government resigns, the resignation will never take place.
All major parties signed to roadmap on October 5, but confusion remains whether Ennahda accepted the proposed deadlines or still insists on its own sequencing. The national dialogue started on October 23 amid street protests, highlighting the tension that surrounds the project. There are many problems to surmount, raising questions whether the proposed deadlines are realistic. The choice of a prime minister all consider neutral will be arduous and the parties will bicker on the composition of the election commission, the details of the election law, and the election dates. What they will not bicker about at this point is ideology. The most contentious ideological issues in the constitution have been settled and the major remaining point of disagreement concerns the respective powers of president and prime minister in the hybrid parliamentary/presidential system—an important issue, to be sure, but hardly an existential one.
The real point of disagreement is not ideology, but politics. The date of elections will undoubtedly affect election results, for example, although it is difficult to know for sure how. Ennahda is better organized and thus ready for elections at any time, while the opposition is still divided; on the other hand, the little cohesion of Nida Tounes depends on Beji Caid Essebsi, an 87-year-old man in fragile health, and postponing elections might backfire on the opposition. An interim government that remains in power for a longer period might be able to undo some of Ennahda's appointments but would also open itself to criticism and hurt the opposition. Rival parties, in other words, are threatening the success of the transition by playing political games that may not even benefit them.
It would not be the first time that the miscalculations of politicians focused on narrow interests hurt a country. In the case of Tunisia, what is also at stake is whether at least one success story can still emerge from the 2011 uprisings.
Disini saya berkongsi jawapan Parlimen, rakyat wajar tahu apakah sebab-sebab kegagalan penyiapan jalan yang terlibat (Seremban-PD-Pasir Panjang).
Dato' Kamarul Baharin Abbas (Telok Kemang) minta MENTERI KERJA RAYA
menyatakan :-
a.Mengapakah projek pembinaan jalan baru Lebuh Raya Seremban-Port Dickson ke FR5 di Pasir Panjang dan dari Pasir Panjang ke Linggi yang terbengkalai sejak 2008 dan ditender semula pada 2012 masih mengalami masalah yang sama sehingga kini; dan
b.Berapakah kos tender semula dan jumlah pembayaran kos keseluruhan pembinaan lebuh raya tersebut yang telah ditanggung sehingga kini.
Tuan Yang Di-Pertua,
Untuk makluman Ahli Yang Berhormat, Projek Menaik Taraf jalan Persekutuan 5 (FT05), Port Dickson - Pasir Panjang - Linggi telah dimulakan pada tahun 2005. Status projek yang dibahagikan kepada 2 seksyen ini ialah seperti berikut:
Seksyen 1, sepanjang 22.5 km telah dimulakan pada bulan Januari 2005 dan sepatutnya siap pada bulan Disember 2009. Kontrak bernilai RM 118.6 juta ini telah ditamatkan pada bulan Jun 2010. berikutan kegagalan pihak kontraktor untuk memenuhi oblogasi kontrak. Sehingga tarikh penamatan, Jabatan Kerja Raya (JKR) telah membayar sebanyak RM 77.2 juta untuk kemajuan kerja (85%) yang telah disiapkan oleh pihak komtraktor.
Berikutan itu, kontraktor penyiap telah dilantik pada bulan November 2011 untuk meneruskan baki kerja yang tertinggal. Harga kontrak yang terlibat ialah sebanyak RM 46 juta dan projek ini sepatutnya siap pada bulan Mac 2013. Walau bagaimanapun, kontrak ini turut ditamatkan akibat masalah kelemahan pihak kontraktor. Untuk kontrak ini, sebanyak RM 31.8 juta telah dibayar kepada pihak kontraktor dengan berasaskan kemajuan kerja (69%) yang disiapkan.
Pada masa kini, Kementerian sedang dalam proses untuk melantik kontraktor penyiap yang baru untuk meneruskan baki kerja-kerja yang terbengkalai. Berdasarkan perancangan, kontraktor baru dijangka memasuki tapak pada bulan Januari 2014 dengan tempoh siap selama 12 bulan. Anggaran harga kontrak untuk baki kerja ini ialah sebanyak RM 18 juta.
Manakala untuk Seksyen 2 pula, projek sepanjang 10.5 km ini telah dimulakan pada bulan Jun 2005 dengan harga kontrak sebanyak RM 44.9 juta. Projek ini mengalami kelewatan dan kontrak ini telah ditamatkan pada bulan September 2010. Sehingga tarikh penamatan, sebanyak RM 27.7 juta bagi kemajuan kerja (48%) yang disiapkan dibayar.
Sehubungan daripada penamatan itu, kontraktor penyiap yang baru telah dilantik pada bulan Febuari 2011, dengan harga kontrak semasa sebanyak RM 67.5 juta. Pada masa kini kemajuan ditapak berjalan lancar dengan kemajuan fizikal sebanyak 82% sehingga 30 September 2013. Projek ini dijangka siap mengikut jadual pada bulan Disember 2013.
Untuk makluman Ahli Yang Berhormat, kelewatan projek ini adalah disebabkan oleh pelbagai masalah, khususnya melibatkan aspek kelemahan pihak kontraktor. Walau bagaimanapun, kementerian ini akan memperketatkan lagi aspek pemantauan bagi memastikan projek ini tidak lagi tergendala dan ia dapat disiapkan keseluruhannya mengikut jadual.
Pakatan Rakyat muafakat mahu mempertahan kemenangan Dewan Undangan Negeri (DUN) Sungai Limau pada Pilihan Raya Kecil (PRK) pada 4 November ini.
Pendirian itu dizahirkan melalui permuafakatan pemimpin KEADILAN yang berkampung di Sungai Limau mulai 21 Oktober untuk memberi sokongan penuh kepada calon PAS, Azam Samad pada hari penamaan 23 Oktober 2013.
YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar selaku Ahli Majlis Tertinggi KEADILAN turut serta dalam Pelancaran Bilik Gerakan Utama KEADILAN Negeri dan berarak ke Pusat Penamaan mengiringi calon PAS, Azam Samad.
Hadir bersama adalah Timbalan Presiden, YB Mohamed Azmin Ali, Ketua Angkatan Muda KEADILAN (AMK), YB Shamsul Iskandar Mohd Akin; ADUN Kota Anggerik, YB Dr Yaakob Sapari serta para pemimpin Pakatan Rakyat.
IMAGINE this: Australian Opposition Leader Bill Shorten is visiting Malaysia to speak to Australian students studying at Malaysian universities.
The Australian High Commission in Kuala Lumpur then issues a written threat to all Australian students, saying that if they hear Mr Shorten speak they will lose any government-funded scholarships.
Such an action would be met with outrage by any Malaysian government as being an act of foreign interference, and an unwarranted intrusion in Malaysia’s domestic affairs.
Yet something very similar occurred in Australia in the past few days.
An official of the Malaysian consulate in Sydney warned Malaysian scholarship students not to attend the talk I gave last weekend at Adelaide’s Festival of Ideas. The email stated he “wouldn’t hesitate to take stern action to those involved”.
Australia rightly prides itself as a bastion of free speech and democratic ideals.
As a liberal democracy, the ability to be able to express views freely in a peaceful manner is a cornerstone of your society.
Imagine my surprise, then, when, after independent senator Nick Xenophon and I called on Foreign Minister Julie Bishop to condemn the threat and to protect students attending my talk, the response was so weak.
The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade merely responded with a statement, saying: “All students residing in Australia, including Malaysian students, enjoy all rights and liberties available under the Australian law, including the ability to attend a wide variety of legitimate events taking place in Australia. The Festival of Ideas in Adelaide is one such event.”
Contrast this with the US State Department telling the Malaysian embassy in Washington to back off when it made similar threats there.
My talk highlighted the tragic state of democracy in Malaysia, conveniently ignored by this and the previous Australian governments.
The grave flaws of Malaysia’s election system were highlighted last year by an independent, international fact-finding mission, of which Senator Xenophon was a member.
The mission flagged grave concerns about the integrity of the electoral roll, phantom voters, voter intimidation, a corruption-prone postal-voting system and, overall, the potential for massive electoral fraud.
There is also a severe gerrymander favouring the government. The Secretary General of the ruling party, for example, has only 7000 voters in his electorate. The deputy leader of the opposition has 100,000 voters in his electorate.
And major television stations and newspapers are owned by allies of the government with no airtime or space given for the opposition’s views, apart from outright vilification.
The international fact-finding mission concluded that these restrictions were draconian, because they prevented alternative views being heard.
Little wonder that the ruling coalition has never been out of power in the past 56 years.
The mission’s fears proved well founded at May’s general elections. Despite widespread voter fraud and irregularities, and the official result of almost 52 per cent for the opposition and 47 per cent for the government, the gerrymander still meant the ruling party holds 60 per cent of the seats.
As for me, I am banned from entering any university campus in Malaysia. It seems my time as a professor at Georgetown University in Washington DC doesn’t qualify me to set foot on campuses in my own country!
I was overwhelmed by the response I received from the Australian public and Malaysian students in Adelaide.
Successive Australian governments have been rightly concerned when such anti-democratic processes prevailed in Myanmar. But their silence at this travesty in Malaysia is deeply saddening. And the response of Ms Bishop to threats made against Malaysian students on Australian soil truly shocks me.
Semua anggota Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) dituntut meletakkan jawatan beramai-ramai atas kegagalan melaksanakan tanggungjawabnya menurut Perlembagaan Persekutuan bagi menjalankan ulangkaji persempadanan.
Perkara 113 (2) dan 113 (3) Perlembagaan Persekutuan memperuntukkan ulangkajian bahagian-bahagian pilihanraya dijalankan oleh SPR dengan lat tempoh tidak kurang daripada 8 tahun antara tarikh siapnya ulangkajian yang terdahulu.
Kerajaan mengesahkan persempadanan terdahulu bagi Semenanjung dan Sabah diluluskan pada 21 Mac 2003, manakala Sarawak pada 10 Jun 2005.
Oleh yang demikian, lat tempoh Semenanjung & Sabah berakhir pada 21 Mac 2011 dan sepatutnya ulangkajian masing-masing bermula selepas itu. Kemudian Sarawak seharusnya bermula selepas 10 Jun 2013.
Tuntutan dan tanggungjawab Perlembagaan ini terus terabai. SPR gagal laksanakannya. Ini pengabaian dan kegagalan serius.
Sebelum ini SPR gagal jalankan PRU13 secara adil dan bebas selain berbangkit masalah proses yang pincang kerana isu dakwat yang tak kekal dan daftar pemilih yang tercemar.
Pakatan Rakyat menuntut seluruh anggota SPR meletakkan jawatan atas pengabaian dan kegagalan melaksanakan tanggungjawab Perlembagaan.
Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim slammed Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop for not taking a firm stand against Putrajaya over a warning to Malaysian students to stay away from his recent talk in Adelaide.
“Australia rightly prides itself as a bastion of free speech and democratic ideals. As a liberal democracy, the ability to be able to express views freely in a peaceful manner is a cornerstone of your society,” Anwar said, writing on The Australian today.
“Imagine my surprise, then, when, after independent senator Xenophon and I called on Bishop to condemn the threat and to protect students attending my talk, the response was so weak,” he added, referring to Australian independent senator Nick Xenophon who condemned Canberra’s inaction over an email threat by the Malaysian High Commission.
The email by the Malaysian Students Department to students sponsored by the Public Service Department warned them not to attend a talk by Anwar in conjunction with the Festival of Ideas at the Adelaide University, last weekend.
“I will not hesitate to take stern action against those PSD scholarship holders who attend this event. You should know what’s best as you have signed the scholarship agreement,” said the department’s student advisor Shahrezan Md Sheriff.
Xenophon had earlier urged the Australian government to tell Putrajaya to “back off” for threatening Malaysian students.
The Australian government had said that all students in the country “enjoy all rights and liberties available under the Australian law, including the ability to attend a wide variety of legitimate events taking place in Australia.
“The Festival of Ideas in Adelaide is one such event,” it stated.
Anwar meanwhile lashed out at Canberra for its “silence at the travesty in Malaysia”.
“Contrast this with the US State Department telling the Malaysian embassy in Washington to back off when it made similar threats there. The response of Ms Bishop to threats made against Malaysian students on Australian soil truly shocks me,” he wrote.
“Successive Australian governments have been rightly concerned when such anti-democratic processes prevailed in Myanmar. But their silence at this travesty in Malaysia is deeply saddening.”
Malaysia's intraparty elections for the United Malays National Organization, which concluded over the weekend, have resulted in a resurrection of sorts for Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak, who was all but given up as finished in the wake of the May 5 election debacle.
The party has been struggling with its identity since the election, in which the ruling Barisan Nasional lost the popular vote by a 50.87-47.38 percent split to the Pakatan Rakyat coalition headed by Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim. The Barisan returned to the majority with a diminished 133 seats to the opposition's 89 only because of gerrymandering. Najib was blamed for the debacle by party stalwarts led by and egged on by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad.
Nonetheless, within the party, Najib has emerged as the rejuvenated leader of a fractured organization. His candidates for the party's top seven slots – president, deputy president, three vice president, youth leader and women's leader – all were returned to office, most by healthy margins, as were his members of the party's Supreme Council.
But the question is whether the decision by 145,000 of the party faithful to return them to office was a pyrrhic victory.
"UMNO has not changed. Money still talks," said an embittered anti-Najib source who described himself as a 20-year member of the party. "Political corruption is rampant. These elections point to a party that is dying and could very well lose the next national elections."
That was a reference to the fact that Najib's forces appear to have poured vast amounts of money into buying votes at the district level to ensure that his candidates won. The vote-buying was termed a "golden storm" by party insiders, with votes going for as much as RM300 each.
Najib and his deputy, Muhyiddin Yassin, were unopposed in the party elections. However, an unofficial "Mahathir slate" developed for other positions. Particularly, Mahathir was pushing to make his son, Mukhriz, the 49-year-old chief minister of Kedah, one of the three vice presidents, which would have been viewed as a springboard to eventually go for the party presidency and premiership. Mukhriz finished fourth.
Party insiders say the danger is that the 88-year-old Mahathir could stage an all-out attack on Najib, as he did on Najib's predecessor, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, after poor electoral results that cost the party its two-thirds majority in parliament in 2008. Already, a legion of bloggers aligned with Mahathir has been on a rampage against Najib. However, the betting is that since Mahathir has no allies in senior positions in the party, his ability to do much damage is probably limited. Such a move obviously would also exacerbate the schisms in the party that are already there.
Among the winners, the most significant included Khairy Jamaluddin, the son-in-law of former Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who has drawn close to Najib after previously being regarded as a pariah by much of the UMNO rank and file. Khairy was returned as head of the party's youth wing despite the fact that he was Mahathir's particular bête noire.
Also returned to power was Shahrizat Abdul Jalil, who was forced to step down last year as a senator amid allegations that members of her family had looted the National Feedlot Corporation, a publicly funded project to rear cattle by halal, or Islamic religious methods
The scandal became universally known as Cowgate. Mohamad Salleh Ismail, Shahrizat's husband, was charged with two counts of criminal breach of trust as well as misusing nearly RM50 million of a RM250 million soft loan to pay for expensive overseas trips, a Mercedes limousine and luxury apartments. Although he was arrested more than 18 months ago, Mohamad has yet to face trial. Despite the scandal, Shahrizat finished easily ahead of two other candidates.
The vote leader in the vice presidential ranks was Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, the flamboyant home minister , who in recent weeks has made headlines by adopting a shoot-first ask questions policy for the police in seeking to quell rising crime, and by making inflammatory statements about Malay nationalism that have alienated many of the country's sizeable Chinese minority.
"The maintenance of the status quo not only signals that UMNO doesn't want reform, it also sends danger signals that someone like Zahid is next in line for the deputy prime minister's job, given that Muhyiddin is a good six years older than Najib and has privately indicated that this is his last term," another longtime political observer said in Kuala Lumpur. "That can be frightening as not only has his right wing rhetoric spooked the non-Malays, it has also spooked the rational Malays and also neighboring country diplomats. Then the next thing is the wrath of your friend Mahathir. He is not going to sit quietly if his son loses."
An angry source in the Mahathir wing of the party said that "stories of Team Najib or Team Pak Lah (Badawi) vs. Mahathir make fun reading, but the real issue is votes to the highest bidder." Nonetheless, it is clear that despite polls that show the elder Mahathir is admired by 75 percent of the party – the highest approval rating for anybody in UMNO – his status has been diminished within the party.
Does this give Najib the impetus to reemphasize his 1Malaysia strategy of loosening the economic bonds that deliver the spoils to ethnic Malays and hamper the economy? Probably not. The Bumiputera Economic Empowerment Program, somewhat derisively called the BEEP, which was announced on Sept. 14, represented a significant turn away from economic liberalization and has been derided as a program that will enrich more of the party's cronies.
"If I had a headline for this, it would be: Najib and Khairy win big," said a longtime Malay political analyst. "Mahathir can still make noise but all the President's men won – both at the vice president and Supreme Council level. Mahathir’s son is almost yesterday’s story in UMNO's unforgiving culture and Khairy doesn’t have to worry about a succession threat from Mukhriz. Will Najib use this mandate to do something now? No, it’s not in his DNA. So the bottom line, the results don't mean f***-all to the country."
If anything, the inflammatory rhetoric from Malay nationalists will resume against the Chinese minority, which continues to command the economic heights in the country. The party's annual general meeting, expected on the week of Dec. 2-7, can be expected to be five days of inflammatory chest-beating in a bid to energize the party's base.
"While those sentiments will continue, with the majority of Malays across the board, the fact remains that the Malay electorate is sick of corrupt leaders that have only self-serving agendas," said the source in the Mahathir wing of the party. "Najib, Zahid, Hisham, Khairy, Shahrizat, Nazri etc. You will find that in the next elections Malays will reject them all nationwide. There will be destabilization at the Malay core. Good luck to all."
Why do intellectuals hate democracy? Was Borges a fascist? The contentious 2010 Nobel Laureate Mario Vargas Llosa talks to Michael Moynihan about the big questions in literature and politics.
Mario Vargas Llosa, the Peruvian novelist and winner of the 2010 Nobel Prize for Literature, is considered a political novelist because his politics aren't the politics of most novelists. In the pantheon of modern Spanish-language fiction you'll find a surplus of writers informed by radical thought—think Jose Saramago, Roberto Bolaño, Eduardo Galeano, Carlos Fuentes, and Gabriel Garcia Marquez. But Vargas Llosa is an outlier, an apostate from radicalism turned habitué of the classical liberal world, a former supporter of the Cuban Revolution transformed into an evangelist for free markets and free trade. And in a literary milieu charged by ideology, this meanssomething.
David Levenson/Getty
It is difficult to separate Vargas Llosa's politics from his fiction writing—the attentive reader will divine much about his worldview from his novels. But one needn't read tea leaves because he is an unapologetically political figure. In 1990, Vargas Llosa embarked on a brief, ambitious, and ill-fated political career, running for president of Peru, an election he lost to the corrupt and thuggish Alberto Fujimori. These day he engages the political world with tub-thumping opinion columns in the Spanish daily El Pais.
Back in May, I sat down with Vargas Llosa at Oslo's Grand Hotel after he delivered a coruscating speech to the Oslo Freedom Forum on "literature, freedom, and power." He speaks in heavily-accented English, but fluidly and lyrically, with both force and deliberation. He is thoughtful on topical political matters ("The idea of Europe is a great idea; it deserves to succeed…a counterpoint to the monsters; the United States and now China") but expansive and polemical when discussing the intersection of politics and literature.
The following is an edited and slightly condensed transcript of our conversation.
You said in your Oslo Freedom Forum lecture that "good literature is always subversive." It reminded me of Orwell's essay "The Prevention of Literature," where he attacked those writers in thrall to Soviet communism.
You don’t perceive the subversiveness of literature when you live in a free society. When you live in a free society you have the feeling that literature is just entertainment. But when democracy disappears, when a totalitarian regime replaces democracy, you feel immediately how literature becomes a very important vehicle to say what you cannot say otherwise. And it’s an instrument to resist what you are facing. Authors are sometimes not aware of what they are accomplishing in an authoritarian society. Literature is a living demonstration that things are not going well in an authoritarian society.
But this isn't an advocation of didactic fiction.
No, not at all. You can make experimental literature and have this subversive effect. And that is the reason why all dictatorships are so suspicious of literature. Otherwise, they would let literature flourish. No, they are always very worried; they want to control it, they establish censorship. On this, there is no exception. Fascist or communist, it is exactly the same. Control literature because there is some kind of danger there. And I think there is some kind of danger, even if it is not immediately identifiable.
What about the middle way between authoritarianism and dictatorship? I know you have written about Hugo Chavez, for instance, and one can get Mario Vargas Llosa's books in Caracas.
Oh, but with great difficulty. It is because in Caracas you still have a margin of freedom. But in Cuba—ask that Cuban journalist that is here [at the Oslo Freedom Forum]. He was telling me the way in which I am read in Cuba. It's fantastic, you know? There are lists of people who want to read a certain book. Some times they are rented, sometimes it's like a library, from individuals. [Dissident writer] Yoani Sanchez told me that she met her husband because she discovered that he had a novel of mine, The War of the End of the World. So she called him and said, “Is it true that you have a novel by Vargas Llosa?" He said, "Yes, but there is a list. But we can meet." And they got married. I saw her recently and I said, "Is this story true?" She said, "Of course it is true. That's why I am interested in what you are writing now. My sentimental future depends on it.”
In open societies you have the impression that you are just enjoying literature, that it won’t have any affect on your life. But literature always has an affect on life, even if it’s not so visible. But when you have a dictatorship, this is so immediately visible. Literature becomes an instrument to resist, to communicate things. And this is so in right-wing dictatorships and in left-wing dictatorships. It becomes a non-conformist activity, reading becomes a risk. It’s very, very important to keep alive this thing that can’t be controlled, because literature can never be totally controlled. Television can. Cinema can.
Why have so many novelists been swayed by dictatorship? From Gabriel Garcia Marquez to, say, the reaction of many French intellectuals to Solzhenitsyn.
You remember what Camus wrote, that a very intelligent man in some areas can be stupid in others. In politics, intellectuals have been very stupid in many, many cases. They don't like mediocrity. And democracy is an indication of mediocrity; democracy is to accept that perfection doesn't exist in political reality. Everybody must make concessions in order to coexist peacefully and the result of this is mediocrity. But this mediocrity, history has demonstrated, is the most peaceful way to progress, prosperity, and to reduce violence. And intellectuals are much more prone to utopias.
In politics, intellectuals have been very stupid in many, many cases. They don't like mediocrity.
After the collapse of communism, what is the utopian instinct amongst intellectuals and writers now?
There is none. That is why they are so desperate and confused. You remember Foucault—who was one of the best thinkers of his generation—he supported Ayatollah Khomeini! He was so disappointed with communism that he decided that the Khomeini utopia was the right one! That gives you, I think, a very vivid example of the way in which some intellectuals detest democracy.
In your case, I have seen more references to your politics—classical liberalism—than I have for many other novelists.
But the reason is because I am an exception. There are so few writers and intellectuals who are classical liberals without any kind of shame [about their politics].
Borges didn't get the Nobel Prize because of his support for Pinochet. Were your politics an issue when you won the Literature Prize?
Borges unfortunately did wrong things. He accepted the invitation to be decorated by Pinochet, which was a very big mistake. He did it not to make a kind of solidarity, a gesture for the dictatorship; he did it because he despised politics so much that he was prepared to….[trails off]. But I think it was a very, very bad mistake. He was very courageous during the Second World War when Argentina was in favor of fascism. He was a deep defender of the Allies.
He detested Peronism in such a way that he became so infatuated with the military, which I think was also wrong. But he wasn't a fascist. He was a conservative. But I don't think his work is contaminated by these attitudes.
Should it affect how we read his books, in the way it does with [Norwegian Nobel laureate and Nazi sympathizer] Knut Hamsun or Ezra Pound?
Oh no, not at all. The literature of Borges is great literature that overcomes all types of political prejudices. He is one of the greatest writers of our times, one of the most original. And from the point of view of language, he has changed the Spanish literary language in the way that only writers like Cervantes have. It's extraordinary because it's a language in which emotions, sensations were much more important than ideas. For a long time, there was no writer in the Spanish-speaking world for whom ideas became as important as in Borges's writing. He was an exception to a very strong tradition—precision, rationality. All this is new.
What are you working on now?
I finished a novel, El héroe discrete, that will be published in September in Spanish. It's a novel set in contemporary Peru. It's about the changes in Peru over the last ten years which are very, very important. A new middle class. All the new, successful entrepreneurs in Peru come from very poor, poor families—even peasant families. This is the background of the novel.
Are you glad you didn't win the Peruvian presidency?
Now I am glad. I wasn't when I lost. But I am very lucky. I wouldn't have survived [had I won]. Certainly not. But it was a very interesting experience. It was pedagogical. I discovered how difficult it was to be honest and coherent in politics.
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